LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



DDQE24mQ7D • 




Class 



Tftn?) 



BookIS^!L 



BEFAHATS STATS SSCSSSZOK, 



I'EAGTICALLY DISCUSSED, 



IN A SERIES OF ARTICLES, 



, tortilla 

PUBLISHED ORIGINALLV 



IN THE 



2SI2>^ISI3']:tI^lE>ll> ^l>^ISi^T|]g^^iEi 



JY RUTLEDGE. 



Sanahimur si modo separemur a ccBtu. Seneca, 



The power of resistance, by a universal law of nature, is on the exterior. 
Break through the shell — penetrate the crusty and there is no resistance 
within. — Calhoun. 



</</(/^(^(/{/ SoS f^^^^^^ 

ADVERTISER-PRINT. 



l^'ol. 






•'I 



^UFAnATE 8TATS 8CGSSSI0N. 



NO. r. 

Pecuniary resources of a scjmrate Government in South Carolina. 

The question is often asked, can South Carolina maintain an 
•independent Government ? 

They, who support the negative side of this question, urge many 
matters by way of argument, all of which may be classed under 
these two heads : 

First, Tliat revenue for the new government cannot be raised 
M'ithout the most burdenous taxation upon the people. 

Secondly, That the State will not have size and strength sufficient 
to maintain respectability among the nations of the earth, or to 
protect herself against tW-ivg-gressions of her neighbors. 

Let us briefly examine these points. \V hat will be our probable 
revenue under a separate government? Something like a fair 
estimate may be made, by considering the amount we contribute 
annually to the General Government, and to private individuals at 
the North. The annual exports from South Carolina are, from 
twelve to fourteen millions of dollars. In unrestricted trade or 
commerce, the imports of a nation always equal and often exceed 
in value its exports ; and hence, under the 30 per cent. Tariff now 
in operation, our imports, or, which is tlie same thing, our exports, 
add to the General Government an annual revenue of about 84,- 
000,000. But according to the^ estimate of accurate writers, the 
use of our exports by Northern Merchants as ci medium of exchange 
between this country and Europe, gives to Northern citizens ii 
profit of 10 per cent, on our exports. This takes from the State 
annually about f 1,200,000. Add to this the profits of Northern 
Merchants, from commissions, freights, storage, w^harfage, &:e., in 
the shipment and transhipment, to and from New Yoik, of our 
exports and imports — and the whole amount yearly taken from 
South Carolina industry and added to Northern wealth, will not 
be less than ^5,000,000. Of this large amount, not 8200,000 are 
re-imbursed within the limits of the State. Nearly the whole is a 
clear loss. For more than twenty years, this draining process has 
been going on, and not less, probably, than 8100,000,000 of South 
Carolina wealth have, under the unjust operations of the government, 
been transferred to the North. Had this money been expended 
within the limits of our State, how like a garden spot it might iiavo 
been, adorned with Schools, Colleges, Rail Roads, and all kinds 
of Internal Improvements! 

With a separate government these f 5,000,000, now transferred 
to the North, would bo kept within our own borders. This scarcely 
admiu of doubt. It is a settled principle in Political Economy — 
indeed it is a certain law of trade— that imports, freed from artificial 
restrictions, will always follow exports. Our 812,000,000 of 
;Pxports woidd as surely bring us $12,000,000 of imports (nnd i,f 



our trauc be proiiiable, a larger amoiiiuj as tue loO bales of 
Cotton sent to market by the planter, return to liirn their equivalent 
in merchandize, d:e. Under the present Tariff; then, we should 
have a revenue of about #4,000,000. And if our citizens should 
engage in the carrying trade (as they surely would) it would keep 
within our limits nearly $5,000,000 every year, which are now 
most unjustly taken from the State and distributed at the North. 

It is worthy of remark, also, that while retaining the present 
Federal Tai-iff* of 30 per cent, we would scarcely feel the oppression ; 
for the revenue would be re-imbursed among our own citizens, and 
would be a spur to their industry. Taxes become odious and 
oppressive, mainly, when they are levied in one section and distribu' 
ted in another, or when taken from one interest and bestowed on 
another, as now happens under the Federal Government. Should 
circumstances, then, force us to keep up the present Tariff' rates, 
we should be every year, $5,000,000 better off", with not half the 
oppression we now bear. 

But to pursue the argument. WHl Trat^4,0aO;000 much morft 
than suffice for the expenses of a separate government for South 
Carolina? We have now one of the best governments in the 
world. For its support, only $300,000 are requisite. This is 
raised by direct taxation upon the people. Let us now calculate 
the additional expenses of the new government. We will use, 
what ever}' one, on reflection, must deem lai'ge estimates. The 
following table will serve to indicate: 

Present expenses of State Government, including whole Civil 

List $300,000 

Under the new Re])ubHc — President 15,000 

Cabinet of four Secretaries and Clerks 60,000 

Charge d' Affairs and Consuls (twelve in number) 50,000 

Post-Office Department 50,000 

Military Establishment 100,000 

Naval " ],000,000 

Total $1,505,000 

Some may regard the last three items insufficient. But analyze 
the matter. The whole cost of the mails in South Carolina, 
annually, is $110,000 [Treas'r Rep.] It will be seen by examin- 
ing the Congressional Documents that the Post-Office Department 
usually supports itself For the year ending June 30, 1850, the 
receipts were $5,552,971 : the expenditures $5,212,953; maku)g 
an excess of receipts over expenditures of $340,018. 

. It may be thought that this excess comes out of the Northern 
pocket, b}' reason of the extensive mercantile busines at the North ; 
and this seems plausible on first blush ; — but, under proper inquiry, 
it will be found, if we mistake not, that while we of the South 
enjoy mail facilities to a much less extent than the Northern people, 
we yet bear the heaviest burthen of the Post-Oflice revenue. There 
eaa be no doubt, that the largest portion of the Post-Office receipts 
arises out of the mercantile transactions of the country ; and it is 
♦evident, that a large share of the commerce of the land, both 
foreign and intoruMl, springs out of the great staples of ihe South. 



ii )> cqiKiiiy ('citain, that all I'xpcMises iiicnrrod in (1k' iiilei'cliaiiirt^ 
of Soutliein comnioclities for Northern and European nierchaiulize, 
fall upon the Southern producer ; and th-e expense of Post-Olnce 
communications is as much to be taken into the estimate, as that 
of freights, commissions, stoj-age, wharfage, cW. 

With the increased trade and commerce of our State, under a 
separate goverriment, the Post-Offico would easily support itself, 
although our mail facilities might be greatly multiplied. But wo 
have allowed '1t<50,000 to begin the system. 

Many, doubtless, will tl.iiik Jjp 100,000 too small a sum for a 
.military establishment. We cannot think so. For many years 
the United States anuy did not exceed 7,000 men. It is, at present, 
not 10,000. This can scaicely be called a sianding armij in so 
large a Commonwealth. It is very sure that the wise framers of 
our Repuljlic, carefully excluded from our system a standing army. 
They saw the danger and expense, as well as the general inutility, 
of such an institution in a country like this. They supposed — and 
it is a principle which lies at the bottom of our government — that 
citizen soldiers would answer all purposes of defence and yrotecikm ; 
and wars of conquest and invasion never, perhaps, entered the 
heads of these wise and honest men. They, at all events, deemed 
them highly dangerous to Republican institutions. Excluding 
then, a regular army, they inti'oduced a small military foi-ce to 
take care of our military posts, stores, <&c., and to protect our 
frontiers from the depredations of the Indians. Time has proved 
the wisdom of their design. There can be no more dangerous 
foe to liberty than a large, unemployed, well-trained soldiery. Let 
us not forget the wise lessons of our virtuous fathers. We want 
no standing army in time of peace. If our borders be invaded, 
our citizens, with their strong sinews and stout hearts, by the aid 
of the officei's we may always have among us, can soon be turned 
into disci{)lined troops, prepared, at all times, to defend themselves 
against any forces that can get foothold in their territory. 

A few hundred men, therefore, to take care of our military stores, 
arsenals, &c., would be all we should need. Twenty thousand 
dollars would cover {\\q expenses. Hut we should enlarge and 
nurture our present Military Academies, as schools for OtHcers. — 
Eighty thousand dollars would ceitainlv do for this! 

For our Naval Establishment $a ,000,000 have been allowed.— 
lUit it may well be asked, why so much ? What does a nation 
want with a Navy unless she have ships to protect? South Carolina 
has none. But it is hoped, she soon will have, and it would be a 
wise policy in our new government to encourage, as far as j)racti- 
cable, the shipping interest. As that interest advances, so should 
our Navy and Marine; and so they will with anything like wisdom 
on the part of oui government. One million of dollars annually, 
would soon give us a handsome Naval and iflarine Corps. More, 
wo arc certain, unless we become involved in war, would not bo 
necessary. During Washhs'gto^'s Administration, the United 
Spates Naval Establislmient did not cost, in any one year, over 
$400,000. The first two vears, the cost was fii>570; the next only 
f5'J;(he next 5i)iGl,'100. 'The whole United Stales Naw and 



Marino Corps of this tlay require for their annual support $5,52:1,72^, 
;[Trea5urer's Rep.] One fifth of this amount would give us a 
larger Navy than we should have use for in time of peace. 

That the above may not be deemed an under-estimate of our 
expenses, let it be compared with the annual expenses of the 
Government for the thirteen original States under Washington. 
The following table* will exhibit the expenditures in each branch of 
tiie Government, as well as the sum total of annual expenditures : 



Year 



Civil 


J.i 


St, For- 


e 1,^-11 


1 


n t e r- 


course. 


&c. 



Military E stab- Naval Estab- 
lishment, lishment. 



Total each yeav. 



1780-91 

1792 

1793 

1794 

i795 

179G 

1797 



,^1.083.4011 
G54,2.57 
472.450 
705.£9S 

1.367,037 
772,4851 

l,24G.904i 



$835,618' 

1,223.594 

1,237,620) 

2.733,540' 

2,573,059 

1,474.661, 

1.194,0551 



^570 
53 

61,409 
410,562 
274,784 
382,632 



1.919,687 
1,877,904 
1,710,070 
3,500,547 
4,850,658 
2,521.930 
2,823,59i 



T^hus it may be assumed that the whole cost of the new Gov- 
ernment will not exceed 81,500,000. Of this, 8300,000 are now 
raised by direct taxation ; leaving $1,200,000 to be produced by a 
judicious Tariff. But South Carolina is actuallj'' paying every year 
to the General Government, in the way of revenue, 84,000,000, as 
shown above. There could, at once, then, be a reduction of the 
Tariff from 30 to 10 per cent, v/hich would give us the desired 
revenue. 

Upon this reduction, foreign imports would etiter the ports of 
our State 20 per cent, cheaper than they do, or than they would 
enter the ports of the United States. What would be the effects 
of this upon our commerce and industrj^ ? These would increase 
beyond calculation. From the large amount of capital set afloat 
in the State and from the new impetus given to our Gonmierce by 
the application of the principles of free-trade, a spirit of active 
improvement would spring up in every branch of industry. Agri- 
culture, trade, the mechanical arts, the facilities for Education, — 
in short, all kinds of Internal Injprovements would multiply an(J 
lloui-ish fjir bej'ond what thc-y have done in any period of our 
history. 

In our next, we will take up the second branch of the argument. 

*A;iierjcan Almanar', 



so. II. 

AbUit;! of the Stale to inainlain her in>/( jicmlciicr. 

\Vk are now tocon^idor the ability of the State, uikUt a scparalc^' 
:;»«:) veminent, to maintain her resj)ectability among nations, and to 
protect herself against aggressions. 

Once out of the Union, what is to prevent ? The elements of 
strength in a state are compactness of territory, nnion of interest 
and feeling, pecuniary resources, and men of strong nerves and 
stout hearts. Some great men have said, that '* tear has no suiexrs 
but those of good sohlicrs."* And again : " a Slate to be great, 
must be of a military race; or both by origin and disposition, 
warlike.-' Th^re is much wisdom in these words. It is equally 
true, that mere force never yet subdued a spirited and intelligent 
race of men. A brave and determined people may be whipjied, 
but, if united, they can never be subdued. History does not iurnish 
a single example. It is a remark, worthy of its author, 



-" who ovcrcoi-Hes 



By force, hath overcome but half his foe." 

Nor do numbers always constitute the strength of a State. A 
Territory of moderate size, with a warlike population, aflbrds ample 
bulwarks for protection and defence. Small States, by a prompt 
concentration of their power, can always exert a force gieater iu 
proportion than large States, and hence usually defend themselves 
beyond all expectation against large forces sent against them.— 
"It is known," says a great Statesman,! " that it takes a much lesa 
force, in proportion, to subject a largo country with a numerous 
j)opulation, than a small territory with an inconsiderable population.^^ 
Apply these principles to our case. South Carolina is strong in 
arms, and rich in soil. She has a territory of 31,000 sqr. miles; 
\yealth to the amount of 8250,000,000: and a military force of 
55,000 men, who may be constantly employed in active service- 
without- subtracting very largely from the agricultural industry of 
the State. And she will have "good soldiers." Ai-e not our men 
of a "military race?" Are they not warlike both by "origin and^ 
disposition ?" Let our past history answer. We certainly have 
the "sinews of war;" and fi'om the nature of our jjoi)ulalion and 
territory, wo could kee]) in check at least 100,000 men that might 
be sent to invade us.| This would, at once, render us a formidablo 
power on our own soil, and the invader would hesitate long belbro 
nndertaking to enter our borders. It is idle to say, that the Stato 
would not be able to maintain its independence. 

But on a subject like this, an ounce of experience is worth a 
pound of speculation. Let us look to history. iVlany of the most 
thriving and powerful nations of antiquity, and of inodern times, 
have been less in extent of territory than'South Carolina. Take, 
for instance, the Republics of Athens, Spakta and Rome. The 

-Lord Bacon :iik1 INIaohiavclli. t-Iolni C. CalJinuii. 

tW«' might ^^ay to all invader? — ••' come unto us wilhfcw. nud wc will overirftchn 
you ; come (o us ui(f> uranij. (rnd yot: shall oicrwlicl/n ifimrselvts." 



leniluiv oi' Attica, including the I-lunds, of which Atiiexs was 
tfio Capit.-i!, contained only 874 sqi-. miles; 185,000 citizens and 
nlien residents ; and, 365,000 slaves (white,) M-ith an aggregate 
wealth of about $40,000,000, Spaiita had a small area, with 
only 150,000 citizens, and 230,000 slaves. Its wealth, in the 
palmy days of the State, was very inconsiderable. Yet the com- 
bined arm>^of these little States, not larger than the military force 
of South Carolina, repulsed 300,000 Persians in a pitched battle,* 
and drove back from tlieir boi'ders, the Persian invader with his 
mUlion of soldiers. The resolution itself to meet this armed 
multitude must excite our highest admiration, and teach us an 
example worthy of imitation. 

The power of Rome arose in a single city and a small" adjacent 
territoi-y ; and when this great State was at its highest degree of 
strength and power, it embraced only the princi])al provinces of 
Italj^ not exceeding, peiliaps, in extent, 50,000 square miles. It 
was in the meanwhile poor and without trade. Nothing but its 
warlike sons could have given it so complete an ascendency. 

In coming down to the period of the middle ages, we find, 
among the most prosperous and powerful States, the little Italian 
Republics of Vexioe, Genoa and Florea'ce, with teri'itories not 
larger, perhaps, than Edgefield District. There, too, was the 
small Republic of San Marino, which exists at this day, with an 
area of only 21 square miles, and a population of 7,600 — one of 
the most remai'kable examples on record of the capacity of small 
States to preserve their independence and liberties. For centuries, 
it has stood amid the most dreadful political convulsions; and though 
invaded perpetually by the formidable powers of the Pope, which 
surround it, grew, as the historian tells us, " populous, happy 
and illustiious." This arose, we learn, from the honest simplicity 
and virtuous manners of its inhabitants. May we not aspire to 
the noble career of this gallant little State ? 

Look, also, to the present nations of Europe. On the map we 
discover some 45 States, less in extent of territory than South 
Carolina — Kingdoms and Kcpnhlics, that not only enjoy the 
blessings of liberty in a higher degree than most of the States 
around them, but maintain a high respectability among the nations 
of the eardi. The reader w^iil recognize among these, Belgium, 
Denmark, Creece, Holland, Poriugal, Sardinia and Switz- 
erland. Yet Belgium has an area of only 12,569 square miles ; 
Denmark, 22,000; Greece, 21,000; Holland, 11,000 ; Portugal, 
39,000; Sardinia, 28,830; and Switzerland, 17,208. England 
itself, which has gradually risen in magnitude, till she has become 
at once the most wealthy and most powerful nation on the globe, 
has an area of only 51,500 square miles; being less than either 
Georgia or Florida. The above States not only achieved, but have 
maintained tlieir independence. How do the numberless little 
Principalities, Duchies and Kingdoms in Germany, many of them 
not as large as Edgefield District, preserve their sovereignty and 
independence among the despotic family of European nations? — 
Theie are the free cities of II a^iburg, Bremen, Lurec; a nd Frank - 



^1 

yoHT, only third rate towns, that have existed as independent 
sovereignties for centuries. True, they belong, at present, to the 
Germanic confederation ; but this is a mere league of defence 
against external powers, not interfering with the sovereignty and 
freedom of these cities. Yes ! these Republics, not one of them 
having an area over 150 square miles, nor a population ahovo 
200,000, have long upheld, and do now maintain their individual 
sovereignties, enjoying the glorious sweets of liberty, in the neigh- 
borhood of large and powerful despotisms — under the very eyes of 
tyrants who have their standing armies of 150,000 and\300,000 
men, 'And. who frown upon every semblance of political freedom. 
Once members of a Confederacy, styled the " Hanseatic League," 
which compj-ized 85 States or Cities, and which, by it* wealth and 
arms, ruled nearly the whole of Northern Europe, these little States 
have had ihe nerve to achieve their independence, and to maintaia 
it Uiidt'r all the frowns and threats of despotism. 

V ft the people of Carolina, with quadruple their wealth and 
military force, and more than centuple their territoiy, are actually 
hesitating, whether or not they shall give up their sovereignty, and 
become the mere tributary ;il!ies of a Northern consolidated despo- 
tism. O, Tempora ! O, Mores ! 

^ But in estimating the elements of success for a separate State 
Government, it is not proper to consider only our physical resources. 
The true strength of a nation rests as much, perhaps, on the 
operation of moral causes, as on the organization of physical power. 
The Government, which, by its reckless administration and lawless 
oppressions, has sown the seeds of discontent and fection, need 

not expect to exert the full measure of its strength or greatness. 

For this to be done, especially in free countries, the moral energies 
of the people must be awakened. Among a great and free people, 
before the national mind can be urged to exert its full power and 
will, a plausible pretext must offer itself— a prospect of gain, or, at 
least, of some seeming good. Factions among us may combine 
for the accumulation of wealth and power, but they\vill rarely 
unite to consume wealth by extravagant wars, unless driven to them 
in self-defence. The F'ederal Goveinment, by arousing disaffections 
in the minds of the people, on the great sectional matters at issue 
before the countrv, has deranged its springs of power, so as 
necessarily to cripple its energies, if not entirely to paralize them, 
in any struggle it may wage relative to these sectional issues. And 
while its power thus becomes weakened, a common interest and 
safety must inevitably urge us, sooner or later, to that union of 
feeling and senriment, that concert of will and action, which the 
desire for self presentation never fails to inspire, anti which are the 
chief sources of nation:il strength. 

But another moral clement of great force among civilized nations, 
and one which will surely redound to our advantage, is the power 
of public opimon. Under the bonds of modern commerce, and 
the refining influences of christinnity, a sort oJ international e^/izc.^' 
have sprung up, infusing into the minds of nation;- a more liberal 
sense of justice ; which, added to the strong principle of self-pre- 
servation and self-advantage, serves greatly to restrain the aggressive 



It 

spirit of military, despotic nations. Despots know that, undef the 
fenlightened diplomacy of modern times, ever^^ community of States, 
for their mutual welfare and safety, will use the utmost efforts to 
preserve a balance of power. They are beginning to learn, also, 
that, in time of high popular excitement, standing armies, how well 
so-ever disciplined, are not always to be relied on ; and that the 
gpark of libert}^ once kindled by the flash of fire-arms, is in danger 
of soon lighting up the whole mass of the people, and of extending 
to tlie soldiery itself Hence the cautious timidity of the crowned 
heads of Europe, in the recent outbreaks among their subjects. — 
And nothing but the dread of public opinion — of a general Con- 
gress of Nations — of an awakening sense of indignation throughout 
the European States and the civilized world, prevents the more 
despotic powers from 'mtertering to suppress the liberal movements 
now going on in the smaller continental States. 

South Carolina may, with reason, count upon this moral element. 
All the Southern slave-holding States know and feel, that, on the 
proper restraint of Northern power, absolutely depends their safety 
and welfare ; and this, whether the Union exists, or be dissolvedi 
Without the most blinded prejudice and suicidal policy, they cannot 
allow the equilibrium between Northern and Southern power to be 
destroyed. It would be their certain destruction. They know 
and feel this; and how much soever they may for awhile, after 
South Carolina withdraws, listen to the dulcet strains of the Northern 
Syren, when that fatal Goddess creeps out from her secret places 
of aggression, and attempts to force her designs by the outward 
forms of power, rest assured, they will rise up in their might to 
stay the heartless course of the greedy and cruel monster. No 
moral reckoning can be more certain. 

Consider now the situation and circumstances of South Carolina. 
In the first place, these will urge us to a policy of peace. Cut otf 
from all prospect of enlarging our dominions by force, we should 
be entirely free from the ambition of conquest — that prolific source 
of strife and war among the nations of the world. Our efforts 
would be directed to the pursuit of liberty and happiness ; to 
striving after a high development of our internal resources ; and to 
making advancements in our moral and intellectual attainments,— 
While this would naturally lead us to cultivate peace and comit>' 
towards other States, it would ensure from them feelings of friend- 
ship and sympathy for us. 

Again : The nature of our produce would be well calculated to 
beget friendly relations with other States. Our Exports consist ot 
Cotton, Rice, Lumber, &c. — products of the earth. VVe are almost 
the only State that exports Rice to any extent. Our produce, 
therefore, is of that character, which will cause it to be eagerly 
sought by many nations, while our situation will be such as to lead 
us to seek from others, commodities which they may have to 
exchange. This begets, at once, a lively and healthful trade ; and 
everyone knows, that trade and commerce are great j7eace TwaAeny. 

But thirdly, we shall have little to excite the animosity or envy 
of other nations. Our Territor3^ will be comparatively small, and 
in great part, subject to cultivation only by the African. It would; 



11 

therefore, scarcely tempt a conqueror, or invite the rapacity of the 
North. Our wealth, also, is of such a nature, as not to excite 
Northern cupidity. Consisting almost wholly of land and negroes, 
it would be of little value to any except those who would own 
slaves and live upon the soil, while any serious disturbance of our 
institutions would effectually destroy our produce, which it is so 
much the interest of others to obtain. Nothing but a spirit of 
revenge in the Northern mind, could provoke an attempt to conquer 
our State ; and we need have fears from no other quarter. While, 
then, other States would have little temptation to interrupt us, every 
consideration of interest and policy would lead them to let us alone*^; 
ill which case, as indicated in our former article, we should enjoy an 
unexampled state of prosperity. 

With our native strength, therefore, and by the operation of the 
moral causes, we have been considering, there can be little doubt 
as to the ability of the State to maintain her liberty and independence. 

As to her respectability, that may very well be left to time. One 
thing is certain, it will never depend on mere physical strengh. — 
Under the judgment of a Christian world, physical power "is no 
longer the single test of worth among nations or individuals. A 
j>eople who practice virtue and justice among themselves, and in 
their intercourse with others ; who excel in moral and intellectual 
attainments; who are brave, high-minded and honest; and who 
ahvays tread the paths of duty and honor, need have no fears, for. 
their respectability either among contemporaneous nations, or with 
posterity, though they may chance to occupy a small territory, and 
to enjoy few of the luxuries of life. It may too, with safety be 
affirmed, that while small States have sometimes afforded substantial 
liberty, large ones have always been despotic; and hence, the people 
who sacrifice to their ambition by seeking to live in large and 
magnificent empires, must do so at the expense of their liberty and 
happiness. 



NO. III. 

The effects of separate State secession on slave population. 

Having sought to show that South Carolina, as a separate 
Stat«, will, by a moderate Tariff, derive ample revenue for all the 
purposes of a new government, and that she will be in a condition 
to maintain her independence and respectability, we propose now 
to consider some of what may be deemed the secondary efl'ectsof 
secession. 

It is urged, that, by insulating ourselves from the other Southern 
States, we will cut olf every outlet by which we might get rid of 
our slaves, and will thereby "bring upon the State the great evils of 
a redundant and valueless slave population. Let us examine the 
force of this argument. Every one knows that the institution of 
slavery is already restricted to the States in which it now exists — 
; bean, for all prac tical purposes, exclu4ec| ^gi, Qnly frqppj 



12 

California, but from all the newly acquired Territory. The liigli^ 
handed act of injustice and oppression, by which this object was 
accomplished, having been tamely acquiesced in, will continue as 
a stern political law, unless resistance to it be yet made by the 
Southern people. The other slave States, equally with South 
Carolina, are prevented from carrying their slaves into these Terri- 
tories. Knowing then that they, also, have no outlet for their 
slaves, will not these States be placed under the same necessity as 
ourselves to guard against over-population ? They will scarcely 
have less wisdom or precaution than we have. But in self-de- 
fence they will, in a short time, be driven to prohibit all further 
immigration of slaves into their borders ; and that time caniiot be 
remote; for m.iny of the slave-holding States are very litde behind 
South Carolina in denseness of j)opulation. We have to the sqr. 
mile only about 20 inhabitants; Georgia has about 16; Kentucky, 
20 ; Tennessee, 24 ; Alabama, 13 ; Mississi'jpi, 13; Louisiana, 9 ; 
I^lorida, 2; Texas, 1; Arkansas, 4. Georgia, Kentucky and 
Termessee may, thereiore, in point of numbers, be placed, at this 
time, on a footing with our State, Alabama, ^fis^is'^iipni and 
Louisiana will, in a very few years, have a population to the sqr 
mile equnl to that of South (Jarolina at present; and will be driven? 
through fear of redundancy, to prohibit the further i.tunigration o^ 
slaves. Florida, Arkansas and Texas will then be the only outlet 
for the supposed surplus slaves of Virginia, North and South 
Caro/ina, Georgia, Kentucky and other States. Bu:: with the tide 
likely to pour in upon them from all these States, how long would 
it ';e bevore ihey, also, will be forced to adopt the same law of 
^eV pre&'ervation? It is evident, that wlien it once be-eomes a 
"fixed foct,'' that slaves are to be pe?-manently excluded from the 
ne\v Territories and from ( alifornia, all the Southern States, look- 
ing te- this restriction and to the future increaseof their inhabitants, 
will prohibit the further immigration of slaves into their borders; 
and this prohibition will certainly take place, long before there will 
bo a surplus population in South Carolina. 

Whether South Carolina, therefore, be in a separate condition, 
or in a Souti^-rn Conl'ederacy, so long as slavery shall be excluded 
from the Ter' i' ories, she will have to provide for the future increase 
of her slaves, fhere will be no natural outlet for them. Hence 
the argument as an objection to separate State secession, falls to 
the ground. 

But the evils complained of from the future increase of our 
slaves, while restricted to our own limits, will not be, we think, so 
great as pretended. For a long while, at least, the increase will 
be productive of the most beneficial results. We have suflered 
greatly in wealth and prosperity by emigration. A gradual increase 
of our inhabitants would but restore us to a healthful state of ad- 
vancement. There is no danger of an over-popuhition for 
centuries. We have seen that the population of Sojith (Jarolina 
to the sqr. mile is only 20. This gives about 30 acres of land to 
every white and black soul in the State. Now here is evidently a 
great superabundance. This is entirely too much land to the popu- 
lation for a high state of prosperit}'. What degree of population 



13 

^s South Carolina capable of supporting ? By the proper cultui'e 
of her soil, and by iTie development of all her resources, it is fair 
to assume that she could sustain 250 to the sqr. mile. England 
has 300 to the sqr. mile ; Holland 300 ; Belgium 330; and all the 
(ierman States, which are almost exclusively agricultural and 
nianufactui'ing, have from 100 to 300. Even the Chinese Empire, 
with its 1,640,000 sqr. miles, with scarcely any foreign commerce, 
has over 130. Ancient Attica with 365,000 slaves, had a popula- 
tion of more than 700 to the sqr. mile. With her great natural 
resources — her fertile soil — her rich iron mines — her great facilities 
for every kind of manufacture — and her extensive and growing 
commerce : South Carohna will be able easily to sustain a popula- 
tion of 250 to the sqr. mile. 

This will make space, in the limits of the State for about 
8,000,000 of inhabitants. At present, there are in round numbers 
650,000. By a natural increase, how long, would it take 
for our population to reach 8,000,000 ? The ratio of increase 
varies in different countries, and in the same country under differ- 
ent circumstances. A sparsely inhabited territory, for instance, 
with ample supplies of subsistence, will increase more rapidly 
than a densely peopled country, where supplies are likely to be less 
bountiful and where many causes conspire to impede population. 
In most states of this Confederacy, the population, including immi- 
gration, has doubled itself every 25 years. The increase in South 
Carohna has lieen, on an average, of ten years, about 20 per cent. 
The ratio of increase in England, since the year 1781, has been 
for each decade only 10 per cent. It will be found to be a general 
law that, owing to a variety of causes, the ratio of increase diminish- 
es as population becomes more dense. 

Though, therefore the ratio in South Caralina might continue, 
lor a term of years, uniform at 20 per cent, yet when we view the 
causes that usually reMrd population, such as wars, epidemics, 
celibacy, diseases induced by trades and manufactures, irregularities 
and diseases that spring up in crowded cities and places, the emi- 
gration that will take place among the whites &c., we may conclude 
that the ratio of increase will be reduced much below 20 per cent. 
But taking 20 per cent, as the ratio, it will be found on calculation, 
that the assumed maximum of our population would not be reached 
till beyond the year 2000; and making due allowance for depopu- 
lation in various ways, and for the certain depression in the ratio 
of increase, not, perhaps, till a century later. 

But it may be asked, what is to be done when the maximum is 
reached ? It would be useless to attempt to devise ways and 
means for the objects of remote posterity: — " sufficient for the day 
?.s^ the eml thereof; but we may well conclude that our destiny will 
be that of other nations which have had, and which are yet to 
experience a surplus population. Providence, in his beneficent 
purpose, usually sustains a just ratio between subsistence and 
population ; and when by bad governments, or natural causes, that 
proportion is destroyed, He rarely fails to plan measures either to 
prevent, or to provide for the surplus inhabitants of a country. — 
Mliat means may "be employed in our particular case, it is not for 



14 

Unite mind to conceive. It would, at all events, from the remote- 
ness of the period at which such an event is likely to happen, be ai: 
improper subject of discussion at present. It must fail to the dut} 
of after generations, under the guidance of an ail- wise and provi- 
dent Creator. 

But it raa}^ well excite our anxiety to know, what will be the 
probable effects upon our wealth and prosperity of the increase oi 
our population, if restricted to our own borders. We can only 
see into the future by the lights of the past, it is clear, as popu 
lation increases, so will also the productive industry of the state. 
This, as a natural result, will greatly multiply capital among us. — 
And political Economy, based on the experience of nations, leaches, 
that " accumulated capital, gradually increasing, is a sure means 
of furnishing subsistence and for supporting and maintaining 
permanently a moderately increasing population.'* And this is, 
also, the strongest evidence of national prosperity. JNo fears, 
therefore, need be entertained as to the capacity of the State to 
provide for every reasonable increase of its population. 

it is probable, that after a great while, when our numbers shall 
have reached several millions, labor becoming cheaper, our slaves 
will, to some extent, depreciate in value ; but, at the same time, by 
the great improvements in agriculture, which a dense population 
always introduces, the value of our lands will be gi eatly e^ihanced ; 
and large and profitable investments will, also, be made in other 
branches of industry, as in manui'acturies, commerce, d^c. which 
will more than compensate for the diminution in the value of our 
slaves : while, by this transfer of slave value to objects more affixed 
to the soil, the removal of the slaves from our limits, should future 
oircumstances render it necessary, will be greatly Jacilitai':'d, and 
will be rendered less burdenous to the slave ov/ner and to the 6tate. 

But for a great length of time, oVi'ing to the peculiar products 
<of our soil, neither any considerable diminution in the value of the 
islave, nor any necessity for his removal fiom the State is likely to 
ari&e. Who can tell how much the fei tihty of our soil may be 
increased by judicious culture and by the use of manures^ it has 
been found by ex[)erience, that a field, which in a natural state, 
produces but 15 bushels of wheat, may be made to produce 40. 
This has been actually done in England, in one whole county, 
(Norfolk) not naturally very fertile, the average of farms is said to 
be from 30 to 35 bushels to the acre. Why may not the same 
degree of productiv<?n8ss be reached in South Carolina ? Our soil is 
naturally more fertile tiian that of England. '1 his improvement 
can be made, and it will be, when necessity urges to it. 

Suppose then our shives to be even kept out of the highly profi- 
table employments of commerce, mechanics and manutactures, 
and directed exclusively to agricultural labor, what an innnense 
yield may reasonably be expected, when our lanos have ail been 
reduced to cultivation and properly improved! The slaves, as the} 
increase, could of themselves support the whoh white population 
of the Stite. In Great i>ritain, about 0,000,000 of agricultural 
laborers and manuf^rturers support by their productive labor, about 

*Cooper's Political Economy. . 



1«^ 

10,000,000 of unproductive consumers. Why could not oqutil 
;)roductiveness be realized among us ? On this estimate, South 
Carolina could maintain a population of from 10,000,000 to 12,- 
000,000, and retain her slaves as valuable property. At all events, 
we may salely reckon on internal and external resources of wealtli 
and prosperity for centuries yet to come, before our shives are 
likely to be rendered valueless, or before tho necessity of their 
removal from natural causes, is likely to arise. 

How now, in point of population, would matters be more favora- 
ble for us in a Southern Confederacy ? 

A Southern Confederacy is desirable not because it would 
provide for the increase of slave population, but because it would 
insure the safety of the slave institution by erecting a large Republic, 
with ample j-C: ources of wealth and power, closely identified in 
interest and feeling, so as to promise future harmony aud prosperity. 



NO, IV, 

[lie Effects of Separate State Secession on tJie Commerce and 
Prosperity of the State. 

Will the separate condition of South Carolina cause the com- 
merce and prosperity of the State to decline? Unless ctleula- 
lions, based on correct data, greatly deceive, the reverse of this 
must be the result. 

We h?^.ve said, that o.ur present exports, arising f;-om the pro- 
duce of South Carolina, vary between $12,000,000, and $14,000,- 
000. 'i'his will appear from a brief examination of facts. — For 
the year 1849 the total value of exports from Ciiarleston, co -Ft- 
Avise and foreign, was $15,838,291.^ Of this not more than $3,- 
000,000 could have arisen from tho products of other States.— 
This estimate will, we snj)pose, answer also for the year 1850. 

Now the cotton crop of Soutii Carolina for 1850 tias been esti- 
mated at 75,000,000 lbs: say 70,000,000 lbs. Uv th-^ cen><us of 
1840 it was 61,7] 0,274 lbs. the average price for 1850 was 1 1— 
:^. The value of cotton crop, therefore, would be about $7,910,- 
000. 

'i'he exports in Rice from the State in 1849, (we take this year 
because we find the tacts reported) were 160,330 tiercest. For 
that year the iwqv'a^^^ sales were $3,53 per cwt: whie]) at 600 lbs. 
per tierce would give $3,395,789. 

To this add 20.000,000 kot of lumber at an average of $8 per 
Thousand— $1,600,000:— 50,000 barrels of naval stores, coast- 
wise an,l If. oign, at $1,20 per barrel— $60,000 ; and $50,000 for 
miscell,Mr>eou:^ -.rticu coastwise and foreign. We shall then have 
the following results: 
♦Pat. Ofl: Rep. and Charleston Mercury, tPat, Off, Rei.\ '' ~^ ^ 



16. 

Value of Exports in Cotton' • $7,910,000 

Rice, 3,396,789 

« Lumber, 1,600,000 

« Naval Stores, 60,000 

*' •' Miscellaneous Articles 60,000 

Total value of State Exports, $} 3,015,789 

Total value of Exports, 15,838,291 

Value of produce from other States, $2,822,502 

Exclusive, therefore, of produce from other States, the exports 
from Charleston exceed $12,000,000. This would give us, if freed 
from the shackles of the Federal Government, $15,000,000 of 
imports; for from an export trade at present of $15,838,291, 
Charleston receives imports to the amount of $20,000,000. If 
then the State in her commercial intercourse should be cut oft' from 
the other Southern States (which can never be the case) Charleston 
might experience, for a few years, a falling oft' of $5,000,000 in 
her imports. But this would cause no loss to that city ; for, at 
least half the imports that reach her harbor belong to Merchants 
in the interior, having been purchased at New York, and are sim- 
ply conveyed through Charleston to their place of destination, 
'with very slight profit to any interest in the city. 

But it is said Ibur-fifths or at least $15,000,000 out of the $20,- 
000,000 of imports into Charleston are sold to Merchants iu 
other States — only one-fifth or at most $5,000,000 being consu- 
med in South Carolina. How is this possible ? Does South Car- 
olina actually consume no more than $5,000,000 of imports? 
What then becomes of her annual produce ? Her $12,000,000 of 
exports bring into the United States not less than $15,000,000 
of imports. Allow $5,000,000 for Government revenue and 
profits of Northern trade — what is done with the remainintr 
$10,000,000? If we consume but half, we should get the 
other half in specie ; but every body knows we do not. There 
is no escape from the fact — we consume the $10,000,000, 
and would consume in some way or other, the whole $15,- 
000,000, if allowed to enjoy them. Only about $10,000,000, 
therefore, pass as Merchandize to the other States. But of this 
$10,000,000 of Merchandize scarcely half is purchased in Charles- 
ton — the larger part probably, having been purchased by South- 
ern Merchants at the North, merely pass, as we have said, through 
the port and streets of Charleston. And the same is true in re- 
«:jard to the commodities for South Carolina consumption. Proba- 
bly two-thirds of the Merchants in Upper Carolina now purchase 
their goods in New York. It is fair to assume that of the $10,- 
000,000 of imports consumed in the State, half are purchased at 
the North. 

This would leave Charleston at present with mercantile profit.? 
upon only $10,000,000 of her $20,000,000 of imports. And this 
we take to be a just estimate of her trade. We leave out, of 
course, her profits upon exports. 

How would the matter stand if South Carolina had a separate 
Govemnaent in successfui operation? With the $5,000,000 of 



hi 

imports, which now pass to the North by means of the Tariff and 
Xorthern trad.-, and which would be certain to come to us in com- 
modities of some sort, our imports would reach about $15,000,000. 
Charleston would have the re-selling of the whole; for the mer- 
chants and the planters of the interior would find it greatly to their 
advantage to buy there, to say nothing of the difficulties in tradmg 
at other pLices out of the State. Charleston would then derive 
mercantile profits upon $5,000,000 of imports more than she docs 
at present. 

Will it, in reply to this, be said, that the State could not con- 
sume the $15,000,000 of imports? The difficulty with most na 
tlons is to make production equal consumption ; but we, it seems, 
are to constitute an exception to a general rule. But let us see. 
The con?umi:>tion of the State, nt present, both productive and un- 
productive, is not less than $10,000,000. Now with the means at 
iiand, how much more could the State profitably consume m im- 
proving her piesent methods of industry, and even in creating new 
ones that would add largely to her wealth ? It scarce admits ot 
calculation. But we are limited in our capacity to bmj, and hence 
we consume no more than we do. 

It is a fact in the progress of nations, that in proportion as 
consumption is cheapened, it is also multiphed ; and that the more 
a nation produces, unless under a bad government, the more it 
consumes, from the fact that it is more able to purchase. Opulent, 
civilized and industrious nations, beinggreater producers are always 
greater consr.mers than poor ones ; and they usually consume un'pro- 
7lncth:eli/ the greater part of their revenues, whether derived from in- 
dustry, capit.'il or lamij This much at all events, may be assumed 
with safety. FAther produciivelp or unproductivdy, a nation always 
consumes'its r-roducts sooner oi' later. And, on investigation it will be 
found, that the imports of every nation, which carries on a profi- 
table trade, always equal and 'often exceed its exports. Yet na- 
tions grow wealtiiy. It is a great mistake to suppo.se that the in- 
crease of werdth consists in the mere heaping up of specie. A 
nation mav accumulate capital, or grow in wealth, by exchanging 
products, which may be superfluous with it, for othei-s, which may 
be employed as reproductive capital. Commerce, indeed, is but 
the exchange of the labor of one man or nation, for the labor ot 
another man or nation. One hundred dollars, or its equivalent m 
produce, exchanged for a horse, by which new capital is produced, 
is but an exetiange of values, in vdiich the $100 an'd the horse are 
consumed, but in such manner as to add to the wealth of both 
parties conceT-,ed in the barter. So of all machinery and ivnple- 
ments bought with a view to increase production. They contri- 
bute to the more rapid accumulation of capital. They create 
wealth. This is what political Economists term re -productive con- 
sumption, by wliich industrious and thriving nations add much to 
llieir wealth and prosperitv. 

If this viev- of the subject be not correct, what becomes of the 
exported products of a nation? A State sends out $12,000,000 
of exports—if she do not receive $ 12j)00^000^ofjm^^ 
|Say, Pol. Economy. 



IS 

becomes of the renjainder? Will it be said she will receive it jn 
&j>ecie? What nation could stand the draught it would make upon 
her specie? Suppose South Carolina in trade with England, alter 
taking seven millions of commodities, should demand five millions 
in specie — how long could England afford to trade with her? In 
'20 years that nation would lose $100,000,000 of specie, nearly 
one-half of the whole that circulates in her borders. No ! it is 
evident, that South Carolina, to trade profitably, must take in ex- 
change for her exports, commodities of some sort, with a very 
small amount of specie. There is do danger of her not being 
able to consume these commodities. In the necessaries and lux- 
eries of life, aud in the great improvements she could make in her 
various branches of industry, she would, like all other nations 
under the sun, demand imports to the full value of her exports. 
And she would thereby add greatly to her wealth. This would be 
the case, at piesent, but for the Government and the North. 

We are therefore, at a loss to perceive how even Charleston is 
to lose, when South Carolina has established her indepen- 
dence. 

But we protest against the common practice of viewing this 
great question in reference to Charleston only, instead of looking 
at its effects upon the interests of the State at large. W^e would 
go far to protect and to promote the prosperity of our Queen City, 
the " pride of the State." Had we the ability of Tkemistocles 
to ''raise a small village to a great City," we would delight to 
make her the Emporium of the South, magnificent in w^ealth and 
splendor. But other interests must, also, be looked to. Charles- 
ton should feel that her welfare is that of the Stale ; that she has 
little hope of permanent wealth and prosperity from any other 
source; and that until the shackles of the General Government 
be thi'own off, by which the State maj' be rendered more prosper- 
ous, she is destined to move, at a snail pace, in her commercial and 
general advancement. Let her unite heart and hand with the State 
to throw off tlie incubus upon her prosperity, and she will leap 
forward with an energy, far surpassing her present most sanguiae 
oxpectations, 



1'^ 

NO. V. 

the Effects of separate State secession on the commeree and 
prosperity of the State. 

It is easily to be seen, we think, that the Commerce and pros- 
perity of the State will be increased and not diminished by separate 
State secession. Charleston has now an exporting trade of ^16,- 
000,000, and an importing business of only 810,000,000, since she 
is a mere thoroughfare for at least one-half the imports that enter 
her harbor. 

Under a separate government, while the imports upon which she 
derives mercantile profits, would at once rise from 810,000,000 to 
815,000,000 (the just imports upon the exports proper of the State) 
the exports from products of other States would, probably, not be 
^inuch diminished ; for Charleston, under our exercise of free trade, 
would furnish the best exporting market for Southern and Western 
produce ; and althotigh the government might impose heavy restric- 
tions upon imports from Carolina into other States, it could impose 
none upon the exports of other States into Carolina. Charleston 
would still be a fine mart for the produce of the neighboring States, 
and though prohibited from selling them merchandize, she could 
direct her ships laden with commodities derived from this produce, 
to any port in the Union, or to any part of the world, and compete . 
in a fair field with the Merchants of other countries. 

But let us estimate the benefits Charleston would derive from 
the natural increase of the population and productive industry of 
the State. Taking the increase of our population, every decade, 
to be 20 per cent., in ten years from this time, unless from unfore- 
seen causes, there will be added to our present numbers about 
130,000 souls. Now it is a self-evident proposition, that, in every 
community, each member is a consumer ; and all who do not live 
by charity, contribute somehow to production by their industry, 
their capital, or their land.* This is so universally true, that, in 
Political Economy, it is becotne a maxim — " every grown person 
is an accumidated capital." 

The productive industry, then, of oiir State, giadually increasing 
every year, would, at the end of ten years, yield an annual increase. 
in our exports of more than 83,000,000 ; for this would be about 
the productive value of 130,000 inhabitants after deducting domes- 
tic consumption. Take, for example, the three Districts of 
Abbeville, Edgefield and Newberry. Iii 1840 they had an aggre- 
gate population of 80,553, white and black. Their aggregate 
production in Cotton was 19,244,714 Ibs.f This at 10 cts. would 
make the exporting value of each inhabitant 824. Supposing the 
130,000 increase of our population to have the same productive 
capacity, they would furnish, as alrea dy stated, annual expo rts 

*Say Pol. Economy. 

tEdgefield with a population of 32.852, produced 7,613,125 lbs. Cotton. 

Abbeville " " " " 29.351, " 8,526,482 " *' 

Newberry " " " " 18,350, " 3,105,107 " 

Aggregate « 80,553, " 19,244,714 " " 

'Census of 1840. 



20 

more in value than $3,000,000. These would yield, in a profitable 
foreign trade, nearly $4,000,000 of imports. Hence Charleston, 
in the next ten years would have, from this source, an increase ol' 
her present mercantile profits on $3,000,000 of exporis, and nearly 
$4,000,000 of imports— in all, $7,000,000. This calculation 
might be extended through a succession of decades, showing the 
large increase of our produce and trade, till, from over populatioii 
and other causes, the present ratio between production and popula- 
tion be destroyed. 

But the productive industry of the State would be increased 
in another way. At present, a capital of somethn^g like $5,000,- 
000, being transferred to the North, is annually withdrawn from 
the productive agency of the State, in introducing improved me- 
thods in our various branches of industry and in fa^'.iiitating our 
inter-communication, this sum might add considerably to tiie ex- 
porting capacity of the State. An annual saving oi $5,000,000 
would give, at the end of 10 years, exclui^ive of interest, a fixed 
capital of $50,000,000. Allow $ i, 000,000 of this to be un pro- 
ductively consumed by the State GovernmeLt, theie would still 
remain $49,000,000 for productive agency. The re-productive 
power of this sum, invested in the usual occupations in our State, 
would furnish exporting products to the value of $2,000,000. 
Thus Edgefield District, which by the recent Census, | has an ag- 
gregate wealth of $16,000,000, yields exports in Cotton alone t<> 
the value of $800,000. 

In addition to this, there would be, under a separate Govern- 
ment, several hundred thousand dollars of commodiLics ior puhlir 
consumption, which would go to swell the imports of the 
State. 

From these data it will be reasonable to estimate the exports 
proper of South Carolina, at the end of ten years, should the 
State be allowed to enjoy the fruits of a peaceful independence, 
at about $18,000,000, and her imports at more than $20,000,000. 
This will add to the present business of Charleston mercantile 
profits on $10,000,000 of imports, which now merely pass through 
her streets, adding a mere trifle to the wealth of the city, while 
hes exports will be equal if not larger than they are at present. 
And this increase will gradually go on for centuries according to 
population and production. 

From her facilities, morever, in combining skill and capital, 
Charleston would become a considerable manufacturing Town, 
not merely of Cotton, but of various and useful commodities, es- 
pecially of implements and machinery for mechanical, agricultural 
and manufacturing purposes. With her genius and capital pro 
perly directed to this branch of industry, she might add im. 
mensely to her wealth and prosperity. Only a h\v Towns and 
Cities, whose natural advantages for Commerce pour the wealth 
of nations into their harbors, become very prosperous and wealthy 
without manufactures. Charleston should look to this as a sourc* 
of great prosperity. 

What now are the prospects of the State at large? The in 

iEdgefield Advertiser 



•Cirease of its population and productive inciustry, the saving of the 
noncst gains ot* its citizens from the phinderers of the North, and 
tiie low rates at which the ccmtnodities of other nations would 
onter our ports, woukl hirgely augment tlie wealth of the State, 
and add intinitelv to the comforts, improvements, and refincrnents 
o[' civilized life. To this progressive advancement, we can see no 
limit within many centuries. Oui- lands are susceptible of high 
cultivation, and oiir products are of the mo"st valuable character.- — 
Our labor, also, whatever the deluded enthusiasts of Europe and 
the North may inteyposc, is the cheapest and most productive of 
any on the globe. In what section of the world, can a peasantry 
be found that produce equal to our slaves ? Is it not a known fact, 
that tlie white agricultural laborers of most -countries, are usually 
an indolent race ? They labor little more than half their time — 
contenting themselves with moderate means of subsistence, and 
often directing their labor without capital or skill. And what in 
worthy of note, while the slave labor of the South, under the 
control of intelligent planters, is more productive, it is, also, highly 
useful and profitable. It is directed almost exclusively to the 
ci'cation of utilit\\ All cur products are actually necessaries in 
every quarter of the civilized globe — ^not furnishing luxuries for the 
consumption of the rich alone, but comlbrts and conveniences, 
likewise, for the middling and poorer classes, among whom thii 
great bulk of consumption takes place. Hence, there is with u^ 
little danger of over-production. We may reckon upon almost :i 
perpetuity of our commerce and trade, while our' power of pro- 
duction, will bo limited, centuries to come, only by the extent o[ 
our Territory, after every ucre of land shall have been higldy culti- 
vated and improved. What is to hinder us from rivalling England 
in her prodigious accumulation of capital? 

While we remain in the Union, bearing the burthens wliich, for 
the last twenty -five years, have been imposed on us, we must 
content ourselves with a very moderate advancement in wealth 
and prosperity. Charleston will improve slowly ; and a heavy 
draw-buck will be felt by the State on account of the immense; 
ilrains from her industry, made by the government and the North. 
No bright visions of future greatness and magnificence will occur 
to the minds of her citizens ; but, in the gloomy vista of the future, 
they will behold only the toils and dangers that beset their career. 
They will be doomed to wage perpetual warfare with the wild 
elements of fanaticism and oppression, while the fruits of their 
labor will be seized from before their eyes by the rude hands of an 
arbitrary government, to feed and fatten the greedy monopolists of 
the Nordi. 



NO. VI. 

Effects of Separate State Secession upon the otlicr Soidlicrn States.- 

It is often urged that a separate government in South Carolina 
would estrange the other Southern States, and exasperate them 
against us. We are at a loss to see how this will happen. Will 
South Carolina, after she may withdraw from the Union, assume a 
hostile attitude towards any of these States? Will she not, on the 
contrary, be inclined to a peaceful policy in all her relations ? Far 
from imposing restiictions upou the commerce and intercourse of 
the Southei-n States, she will freely admit both, and will be always 
ready to supply these States so far as her means will allow, and 
the government under which they live will permit, with all the 
facilities of a cheap and prosperous trade. Charleston, opened as 
she now is to all their trade and intercourse, while affording them, 
by means of our nearer approach to free trade, an excellent port 
for the sale and transhipment of their exports, will, at the same 
time, be able to supply them more cheaply than any of the United 
States sea port towns, with all the commodities they may wish for 
consumption. Should the Federal Government hinder their full 
enjoyment of these great commercial benefits, it would be no fault 
of ours, and it coold with reason excite no prejudice against us. — 
Nothing but a petty jealousy, from which we must consider our 
neighbors exempt, couki, on this account, create any unkind feeling. 
But would not their generous impulses sooner direct the resentment 
of these States against the real author of the inconvenience ? and 
would not new restrictions upon their trade and intercourse serve 
to open their eyes mo]-e fully to the wrongs they are at present 
made to bear ? Such seems to be the most natural course cf thing??. 
It is also difficult to conceive how the separate nationality of 
South Carolina will create disaffection by opposing obstacles to 
the growth and prospeiity of any of the Southern States. Can it, 
in any way, force them to produce less, to sell their produce cheaper, 
or buy their commodities at a higher rate than they now do ? — 
Certainly not. And where will be the inconveniences to which 
they will be subjected ? True, unless postal arrangements be niade 
between our State and the Generai'Government, the Western maib 
which now passes thro' Charleston, would be conveyed im.mcdiateiy 
to Savannah ; but would Georgia, the State most likely to bo 
affected by such an arrangement, deem this an inconvenience sinco 
it would give more importance to Savannah, while affording tiiat 
State all the mail facilities she now enjoys? So Augusta nn'ghtbo 
deprived of several hundred thousand dollars of South Carolin.'i 
trade, but she might get treble that amount from Georgia which 
now goes to Charleston and New York, to say- nothing of the- 
large increase of trade to Savannah. It is easily to bo seen that: 
no important interest as now existing in any of the other Southern 
States is at all likely to be thwarted by the separate action of South 
Carolina. On the contrary, according tO' the opinion of tliose- 
opposed to separate secession, the interests of our neighboring,- 
States, by bonuses and special legislative charities fro'L^ the Geno- 



23 

i-al Government, are to be so rapidly fromoled as to excite our 
envy, and cause up, within a slioi-t period, to seek a re-union with 
the other States, if such be tlie case, as is so confidently expected, 
where will there be any cause of disafi'ection towards our State ^ 
What! the secession of South Carolina serve greatly to increase 
the prosperity of these States, and yet render them hostile against 
us? Who can explain this paradox? 

But it is said, ' the other Southern States will be aroused against 
us for presuming to lead in this great contest for Southern liberty, 
and for involving them in a struggle with the General Government 
without cause.' To suppose our sister States actuated by motives 
so trivial and selfish is to cast a stigma upon their escutcheon. — 
'I'heir generous natures forbid the suspicion of passions so giovel- 
iing. Such paltry considerations might inflame the language of 
the coflce-house politician or the stump orator ai]d lead him to 
abuse our purpose, to promote his own sinister designs: they could 
never swerve from its dignified and honorable career, a high-mind- 
ed, sovereign State. The people of the Southern States incensed 
against South Carolina for a bold defence of the rights and liberties 
of the South ! No, never, never. We apply to this the language 
of the great Athenian orator on a similar subject. " No, my 
countrym.en, it can never be to your reproach that you have braved 
<3angers and death for the liberty and safety of all Greece. No, I 
swear it, by those generous souls of ancient times, who were ex- 
posed at Marathon ! by those who encountered the Persian fleet at 
'Salamis, who fought at Artemisinm ! by all those illustrious sons at 
Athens, whose remains lie deposited in the public monuments."* 

We swear, in iilve mannei-, by our common fathers, by our sacred 
riglits and interests, and by all the hallowed associations that link 
together our destinies, the brave and generous people of the South 
can never reproach us for boldly encountering danger for Southern 
liberty. No ! impossible. Let us begin with vigor on our part; 
then call on the other States; conciliate, and exhort them. This 
is due to our dignity as a sovereign State.f 

But how could the Southein States regard the struggle between 
South Carolina and the General Government, as arising "without 
a cause?" Have not they themselves solemnly declared and reite- 
rated, that the South has been grievously wronged ? Have they 
not, in their calm moments, said, that these wrongs call for resis- 
tance by the South "at all hazards and to the last extremity?"— 
These States have surpassed South Carolina in the boldness of their 
language against Northern aggressions; and, though hindered by 
unfortunate party dissensions from giving efiect to their solemn 
declarations of resistanee, with what consistency or justice could 
they deem the struggle of South Carolina without cause, when 
this State would l>e but carrying out then* own ])iedetermined 
resolutions? 

But it i* admHted, on all hands, that sooner or later, this contest 

iis inevitable. Georgia even says, she is only awaiting certain 

otlier wrongs, which she fully exj)ects to receive, to move her to 

resistanc o. Ami who iniagi nos that NorMiern fanaticism can be 

*Demosthenes. De Corona. tI)einoj^thc'n<^b-i'hilipi)ic tli^Thlrdi ~ 



M 

fcheckod except by convulsion or force ? Is it morally possible 
therefore tbat the Southern States can be incensed against South 
CaroHna for boldly struggling hi a cause, which they have solemnly 
declared to be just and righteous, and which in a few years, they 
look Tipoii as inevitable ? Tlie natui-jil and civil relations subsisting 
between the various Southern States, and the nature of the con- 
troversy now between the North and the South, utterly negative 
any sur-h conclusion.- Such conduct would, in ourjugdmenc, be 
contrary to reason and experience. 

But further. The Southern States, far from believing themselves 
hivolved in the contest by South Carolina, will be forced to regard 
themselves as part authors of the conflict. For is it not in the 
power OL these States by their combined efforts in Congress, to 
prevent any struggle? Who believes that, if as a body, Southern 
membei's in Congress, should sternly resist co-ercion by the Gene- 
,ral Government, that force would bo employed? Should the 
North, against the remonstrances of the whole South, Ibrcibly 
resist the secession of South Carolina — what would be the inevita- 
ible result? The certain and sudden dissolution of this Union. — 
The Southern States, therefofe, lioid this issue completely in their 
owii power; and knowing and feeling that the cause, we espouse is 
just: that our common wu-ongs, to redress which prompts our 
, action, are grievous and severe; and that each State has the right, 
for cause.s deemed by it suSicient, peaceably to withdraw from the 
Union-^they could neYev regard South Carolina as hizohing them 
Ju-a. eoniest with the General Government /•' without cause." — 
.Unless by the most strange inconsistency and suicidal policy, they 
will consider themselves identiJiedwW^ii us in this great issue. Those 
;States will render us aid, and at no distant day, join us in a South- 
ern Confederacy. They will cci-tainly withhold all aid and 
sympithytVom the Government in its attempts at co-ercion. It 
would bo highly unjust and ungenei'ous to our sister States to 
.suppose them capable of any other course, 

^:,jHow the Qthe^'^ Southern Stateo could look upon South 
Carolina in this contest as actuated by " factious and selfish mo- 
tives,'' ifi to us wholly inconceivable. To indulge such a belief is 
to have a poor opinion of the spirit and Intelligence of the South - 
Qvn people, or to take a very superficial viev/ of the Southern cause. 
In that cause, as we arQ led to regard it, are involved great ami 
everlasting principle^, which lie at the jjottom of Southern freedom 
^and safety. The soverQignti/ and independence of the individual 
States — the insiiiuiipn of dace ri} — the subject of taxation : theso 
are the watch- words in the Soutliern camp. On these issues, rest 
the all in all of the Southern States, 'lo maintain them to the 
utmost of our strength, with oui' blood and our treasure, is an 
imperative duty, to neglect which, is to involve ourselves in ruin. 

The other Southern States leel the growing importance of these 
issues. They knov/ they can never give in to the ascendency of North- 
ern power, without losing their freedom and independence ; without 
giving up their institution of shivery; without subjecting themselves 
to an odious system of taxation that knows no bounds of exaction, 
but the measure of production ; M'ithout, in a v.-ord, creating for 



tliomselves a wretched state of bondage, that has no parallel except 
ill Russian serfdom, or Mexican peonage. 

]n defending these great rights and interests, on wliii h rests all 
their hopes of fLitiire happiness and liberty, ' could the Southern 
States accuse South Carolina of "factious and seltish niotives'r' 
Could they, to gratify a mere whim, an idle caprice, t^ide with the 
Government against her in a struggle involving their very existence 
as a free people ? Creda! 'Judcus Apdla, iwn ego. U ))artakes 
too strongly of the extravagance of plirenzy to ])e liclieved of any 
people, and least of all, oi' the high-minded and generous race of 
men that inhabit these Southern States. l>ut we conclude by 
saving, that though all other peoj)le subn:it to slavery, 'sve would 
have South Carolina still conteiid for liberty. 



NO. VIL 

EJfccts of Sqmrate Sccessioii on our Foreign. ReJaiions Generally^ 

Much has been said of " outward piessure" destroying Ihe com, 
merce, and endangering the slave institution of South Caiulina in 
case of her independeniie. The question has been appioached 
with too little regard to its pj-actjcai bearing. How wjii our com- 
merce be eilected except Ijy open war ? Suppose the General 
Government should shut up alltlie United Statcjs ports agaiii>stug— 
cutoff our internal trade with the States — and, jn legislative boun- 
ties, discriminate in favor of iha SearPort Towns of our neighbor- 
ing States: -yyonld all this seijousiy injure oyr comnjerce, while 
European porjts shall be open to ns? Could we not easily dispose 
of all oui- exports, and receive every coniniodlty we may desire, in the 
Towns and Cities of Europe, or at j)laces under the control of 
European powers? England, France, Holland, the West and 
East Indies, will supply us with evei-ything we may whh, and tho 
tln-ee former would be anxjous to enlist a large portion or even 
the whole of our carrying U'PA\e. Would United Stales ships of 
war dare disturb tlie vessels of these countries in |):^,ssing to and 
from our harbors? This would arouse the indigna'ii'Ui of the civi. 
lized world, it would unite half of J'hirope in a v.ar ..gainst tlio 
I'Vderiil Union, Let us expect no such folly, 'i'he [)raclical wis. 
dom of tlie day will be more considerate. Nothing of the sort 
could take j)lai.'0 unless U\ a state ol' war. Should aiiy nation, in 
tlie mere wantonness «if povvoi-, insult or disturb us (a thing I'.ttlo 
likely to occur) we should have .-nnple guaranty of protection in 
our own strength, and in tho alliance wo could at any time f<irni 
with friendly powers, hiterested in pieserving peace and conjity be- 
tween nations. 

But to what does this argument tend? Does it not practically 
deny (he ability of s»nall Stiites to exist without beirjg perpetually 
h;;rra.ssed and devourc-d by the larger nations of the v.oild? Ac- 



cording to this notion, the rule of civilized would be tliat of sava^?, 
nations— ''the strongest arm of the strongest man" \A^ou]d be the 
controlling element of power. It would place small nations com- 
pletely at the mercv of large ones, as the small fish of the sea are 
at the mercy of the large fish. This is to argue against the moral 
opinion of the world. It practically denies an overruhng God, 
who Controls the destinies of nations. It is the heartless creed of 
the infidel, who pretends to think everything governed by a Idind 
senseless fate. It is seldom in the moral economy af the world, 
that injustice so monstrous is, for any length of time, allowed to 
})redominate. In a civilized age such a state of things is morally 
impossible. Small nations have rights as well as large ones, and, 
utider a kind P.jovidence, can always maintain them while they pur- 
sue the paths of duty and honor* 

While exclusion, therefore, from the trade of the Uniied States 
would not injnre onr commerce, European nations would never 
allow the Federal Government iu time of peace, to impose restric- 
tions on oar trade with the old world. As to any pressure upon our 
commerce by any European nation, we have, evidently, nothing to 
fear. The products of our State will always gain for us a favora- 
ble reception at any port in Europe. 

it IS equally diflicalt to see how the institution of slavery will be 
endangered by any foreign influence, when South Carolina has 
established her independence. 

From what source is danger to come ? certainly not from the 
States that immediately surround us; for they are as deeply interested 
in preserving the institution as ourselvss. They would rather 
serve as a thick wall to guard and defend us. VVould European 
powers disturb us? Of all future events, this is the most improba- 
ble. How could they, if they desired? Their incendiary docu- 
ments could not reach us. In our commercial intercourse, we 
should have no dealings with the fanatics of Europe ; and the 
distance is too great for them to exercise any influence over our 
public opinon. 

But a state of facts is conjured up to give opportunity to Great Bri-* 
tain to intermeddle with our slavery. A war is supposed to break out 
between South Carolina and the General Government. We are 
imagined to be fortunate enough to secure the aid of Great Brit- 
ain. With this alliance. South Carolina gains an honorable peace. 
Future relations are now to be settled between this State and 
Great Biitain. Is it in the bound of reason to suppose, that after 
assisting the State to defend her institutions against the fanaticism 
of the JN^orth, Great Britain would oflxu- to free our slaves, or to 
reduce us to a dependent colony ? If she did, what would be her 
])rospect of success? Would we not defend ourselves as stoutly 
against her, as we have done against the United States? But such 
terms M'ould never be oflered. There i^ no reason to suppose so. 
In much less enlightened times, England gave re[)eated assistance 
to the smaller European powers in their wars \\\t\\ larger nations; 
but we read of her making no such humiliating propositions. T)ie 
idea is positively absurd. What benefit could Great l^-itain pro- 
mise herself by such a scheme, if carried into efl'cct ? She cer- 



t'linly could not desire to free the slaves in South Carolina, witliout 
M'ishing to I'rcc them in the other States. But how could she lend 
lier hand to this nefarious object? Would not the abolition of 
slavery at once put a stop to the culture of cotton in the Unite<l 
►States? What then would become of the many millions of British 
jicople who depend on cotton for employment and the means of 
t-ubsistencG? They would at once be diiven to the point of star- 
vation, and would raise such a tumult as to cause the English gov- 
ernment to sliake to its very centre. A total failure of the cotton 
crop ill the United States would cause in England an amount of 
misery and destitution, and a degree of popular outbreak, that 
would be terrific to contemplate. The English government, exer- 
cising any agency in the matter, could not survive six months, 
'i'hat goverimient, how gi-eat soever might be the clamor of a 
small class of fanatics,could never be so infatuated as to attempt an 
object so utterly suicidal. Besides, the ghastly picture of ruin, pre- 
sented by her West India possessions, stares her boldly in the eyes 
representing to her, more powerfully than language or argument, 
the disastrous eflects of her foimer policy. The English nation, 
often bad at theorizing, but quick to learn from experience, has too 
nmch practical wisdom to again attempt a like ruinous couise. 

Under no circumstance can slavery in South Carolina be endan- 
gered by British influence ; and if not by this, surely by the influ- 
ence of no other European power. No ! the unholy crusade 
against this institution, if it come at all, must come from the 
North. It can come from no other quarter. On that side is the 
certain danger. This is as clear as any moral proposition, resting 
on future probabilities, can be. In that direction, then, we should 
erect our bulwarks of defence. 

Now, whether will slavery in South Carolina be safer against (he 
machinations of the North, while the State is in or out of tlie 
Union ? The re can be no doubt — while out of the Zhiion ! For 
first, l)y having control of the mails, we may easily exclude al 
incendiary documents &:c ; and 1 y a proper system of police, fully 
justifiable in the eye of international law, we can shut out from 
our borders all suspicious and evil — disposed persons. Free fion\ 
federal legislation, also, we need have no fears fVom legislative 
enactment, which is now so threatening. The Northern fanatic m^}' 
then rave, print, publish, denounce, and ])ursue the dictates of his 
"higher law" to his heart's content; he will little disturb our 
quiet. How would it, indeed, be possible for Northern fanatics to 
endanger our institutions unless by actual im-oads upon our soil ? 
for as to fugitive slaves we could be in no worse condition than wo 
are at present. Are they likely to wage a war of arms against 
us ? How is the army to be raised and supported ? and where is it 
to be sent? Could our neighboring States assist in raising such an 
army ? or, if raised, could they suffer it to march through their 
borders to abolish slavery in South Carolina? The ov<?rthrow of 
.slaver}' with us, would lie its overthrow with them. The army 
that could be mad enough to attemjjt the abolition of slavery here, 
would not have forbearance enough, in triumphandy returning, (o 
sf)are the "damnable" institution in the other States. These 



28 

States would: have to surrGiider it likewise. Notliilig less wotild! 
Batisfy the demented folly of this hellish spirit. Would '-..he other 
States, until they are prepared to give up slavery all togethei , allow 
such an army to pass through their borders^ To suppose -they 
would, is to impeach their intelligence and their spirit. 

But there is little danger of hostile invasion by the fanatical' 
No-rth. The- rabid spirit of avarice by v.diidi that people are gov-. 
eraed, would restrain them from placing hostile leet upon our soil. 
It is well known, that iij all this crusade against our institutions, 
they have been moved by no feelings of genuine philanthroj\r or 
religon, but a close, sordid sehlshness, which has as yet never lost 
sight of the pooket. This is the Deity at whose shrine they worship, 
in all their denunciations of our people, and in all their encroach- 
ments upon the South. It has been with them purely a question of 
power, a desire to control the operations of the government; to 
monopolize its honors and officers ; to regulate the taxing power 
and the disbursements of the public revenue ; in a word to screen 
themselves from the burthens of the Union, and to gather and ap- 
propiiate the largest possible amount of money from the Southorn 
people. 

Left to exercise itself blindly, under the slow but gradual devel- 
opments of despotic power, this spirit will doubtless perpetrate the 
iniquitous villainy of freeing the slaves in the States, though to the 
pecuniary loss of the North; for " il is the character is tic of des- 
jyofism io cut (hwii the tree to get at the fruit ;"^> but when the 
delusions of power are once dispelled by the call to arms — when the 
ways and means are to be devised, the men and money to be 
raised to carry out the fatal scheme at the point of the bayonet, 
the old spuito^ avarice, true to its instincts, will shrink back in 
cowardly timidity from the threatening storm of war, brought to 
^ dead pause on the banks of the Rubicon. Under a government, 
ift which the majority rules, the Northern horde rarely move in 
arms except to plunder and to rob. Subsistence or n)oney — the 
prospect of some glorious El Dorado has prompted all their grand 
military expeditions. 

V/hat is there in the South to tempt their cupidity ? We have 
110 magnificent cities for them to sack — no public wealth to charm 
their covetous eye. Would they take our slaves? For what ^ 
To hoijk them? This, th 03- would certainly have to do, or mako 
them feed themselves, and hence they would be slaves sti'l. 'i'<> 
transport them would require immense means, and the}- will not 
fillow them to enter the free States. Can any one, for a moment, 
think that the Northern j)eoplo, without any prospect of remune- 
ration, without any hope of gain whatever, would incur {^hQ hazard 
and heavy expenses of so profitless an expedition ? It is past all 
belief. So long as they are united with tlio other Southern 
►States they would not attempt such a thing, for fear of diiving off 
these States into a Southern Confederac}'. Left to tlicmselves 
they would not dn^am of it ; \\)\\ deprived of the rich spoils of the 
South, they would be placed under tho necessity of practising :i 
little economy; of " husbanding their resources" to meet tho 

"Montesquieu. 



% 

taxes tLat would fall upon tliom, AvLicli tlioy linvo been so little 
accustomed to bear, and on thele;ist appearance .'f wbieii they have 
tilwavs attempted to kick against the government. 

This conclusion is almost manifest: 

Slavj:ry, IX ANY Slavk State out of Tiir: Unio^", has 

NOTHING TO PEAK FRO::^! A NoRTlIERX ARJIY, OR t'ROM 
NoRlItERX FANATICAL AGITATION, 

'J'he solo danger is while we are in the Union. So long as this 
Confederacy lasts, wo will bo perpetually b^^set by the snares and 
macl'.inations of Northern abolitionism. Incendiary documents 
will be flooded aiaonn-us; the seeds of discoid and dis.^enwon will 
])e rapidly sown among our ])eopie. In* means of Federal gold and 
office; and soon a host of enemies will spnng nj) in th3 very 
midst of us, tha^" will more endanger our institiUiOus than r.ll our 
enemies froni abroad. In this w.ay, Northern fanaticism, und.T 
the triumphant career of an absolute, despotic government, will 
continue its aggressions, till, rij)0 for the last act of the jjcbtical 
tragedy, it will overturn by Legislative enaet?iient, to l)e cr.forced 
by the Federal army, the institution of slavery [n the States. 
Then indeed will come the so much dreaded horrors of a civil 
•war, in which our citizens will drink the blood of each other, and 
riot in alt the excesses of anarchy and confasion. The only safe- 
guard for slavery in the Southern Rtates is in a dissolution of this 
Confederacy. Let it then be dissolved, — \i ))osril)le, by all the 
►Southern States j — if not by all, by one State ; nnd if needs be, 
let that State be South CaPsOWna, 



— --^d** — 

NO. viir. 

SJiouId SGUth Carolina s!j-i^:c for Iter In:Tcpcj}d:ynr€ ? 

We have hitherto written ia show, that once cstal»l^shed i;iio an 
Independent Republic, South Carolina would l>e niuch more pros- 
perous th;:n at present, while those ill eonseqnonoes, so much 
dreadfd by many, are never likely to occur. Of the probable cost, 
of the expediency, and of the praeticability of achieving our inde- 
jK'ndenee, we have yet said little. We propose now briery to touch 
*m these poijits. It vvould be a useless attempt to count t!iecostof 
the struggle in whreh we may be engaged in btoid'.ing offfrom the 
Union, 'i'hat struggle may never take place. iM-sidcs, the un- 
certainty of its character — of its duration— of its rerults^ forbidfj 
such an estimate. But who would stop to oast up c-ueh an ac- 
count? Will a ])eople, actuated by a high and generous purpose, 
pauscito calculate the costs when called on to vindieate tl'.eir dear- 
est rights and liberties? Such an cnterjirize is al)Ove all money 
value. What i:? ])ropertv without liberty? v,-J,'hout the ability to 
protect it? The gains of the industrious would only be spoils to 
the tyj-nnt. A brave peo})kv bent on preserving their liijeities, 



would viekl not a tliird or a half, })ut all of tlieir worldly goods 
sooner than submit to be slaves. Who has fiiiled to adniii-e the 
noble generosity of our brave fathers, who freely pledged " their 
lives, their fortunes, and their saci-ed honor," to gain the liberty we 
are about to surrender? To achieve liberty for their descendants, 
they not only pledged, but freely expended their treasure and shed 
their blood. The people that are not ready and willing to do this, 
■do not deserve libei-ty, and will not long enjoy it. Satisfied, then, 
with the justice of our cause, and the happy consequences of its 
success, how can we, as a brave and high-minded people, pause to 
calculate the costs of the blow we may have to strike % We may 
rest assured that the means of resistance will rise to meet our 
wants, as they have in the case of all other nations, great and 
small, that have struggled for . liberty. So long as we prove our- 
selves worthy of coiifidence, our credit will command in any' 
inarket of the civilized world, ample supplies of money and muni- 
tioi^s of war. And all nations, going to war, are compelled to 
contract loans to meet the demands on their treasury. 

The question for us to consider, then, is this: are our wrongs of 
tliat oppressive and degrading nature, as to sul)mit to which would 
stain our character, and destroy our liberty and independence ? If 
they are so deemed by us, then whatever all others may say or do, 
we sliould resist them at all hazards, cost what it may. To the 
])eople of South Carolina it is certainly needless to discuss the 
various wi-ongs and grievances we have sufl'ered from the General 
Governm.'^.nt. A bare recapitulation of them will serve our pui-pose. 
They are fomiliar to the minds of all. Their enormity Is known 
and felt by almost every one.. 

I. First, then, since the formation of this government, and especi- 
ally v.'ithin tlie last twenty-five years, the people of the South, 
have been onerously and unjustly taxed by the people of the Noith. 
From tlie year 1790 to 1840 the South has paid sevm-ninlhs of all 
the duties under the Government, and has received back only tiro- 
nintiis i. e. she has paid 8711,200,000, while not more than $206,- 
00(t,000 have been spent in her bo.-ders: the other $505,200,000 
having been expended at the North. The North has paid mean- 
time only $215,850,097. So that the tax paid by the South per 
head wiljn'n the jieriod specified, has averaged $29 47 per 10 
years, while t'riat of the North has been only $S 09. In late years 
the disproportion has been much greater. From 1841 to 1845 the 
tax paid hy the South per head was $10 46: the North $1 99:* 
making for the South per head nearly ten times more than for the 
North. 

This has been in tlie way of duties alone> Rut consider the 
increased price of Noi-thern jjrotected articles, the diminution in 
])rice of Southern pi-oduce, and the increased price of freights, due 
lo the Ta) iff and. navigation laws, and the South has paid to tlie 
^lovernmcnt and to the North fj-om 1790 to 1840, over $1,200,000,- 
OOO.f The one-tenth of this would make for So. Ca., in the same 
])ei"iod, $120,000,000. But it has been estimated upon data fur- 
nished by the Congressional Documents that the South in various 
*Tlic Union ParTand future—Tabfe'B^; " ' 



81 

\vnys now coutnbutes annually to Northern wcaltli not less thnn 
8^0, 000,000. j Allowing one-tenth ibr South Carolina, her annnal 
eontribution to the North is Jihout 85,000,000: being upwards of 
S17 for every white soul, man, \vonian and child, among us, while 
our State tax is little over one doUar to the white inhabitant. 

What people, claiming to be i'ree, ever endured taxation so 
unequal, unjust and enoiinous ! 

Nor is this aU. 

II. In the acquisition of California and the new Territories, the 
South contributed about iico-lliirds of the soldiers, and will have to 
j)a3^ at least iwo-ihirds of all the heavy expenses incurred. Yet of 
the whole of these Territories, worth millions upon millions of 
(loUars to the Southern slave-holder, the South luisbeen outrageous- 
ly plundered, in coutemj)t not only of all constitutional guaranties, 
but in the most offensive and insulting nninner, by allowing a 
heterogeneous mass of squatters and gold-diggers to deprive us of 
;dl our rights to these Territories, and by carrying out the nefarious 
measure of slavery prohibition under the bitterest denunciations 
against our people and our institutions. 

III. Again : By interposing evcr}^ obstacle to the arrest of our 
fugitive slaves, and by shamelessly harrassing and insulting our 
citizens while in pursuit of their ])roperty, the North not only 
deprives the South of thousands of dollarsj annually, but heaps 
upon her wrongs and indignities, too flagrant for a high-minded 
])eople to bear. The North moreover perpetuall}' annoys our people 
by agitating the question of slavery in and out of Congress, using 
towards us the most inflamatoi-y and abusive epithets, aiid express- 
ing the fixed determination to persist in their efl'orts, directed ])y 
their talent, influence and money, till slavery sh.nll be di'iven entii-ely 
IVom the Republic. And do we not know these fanatics to be in earn- 
est? "There is" says Burke," one case, in which it would be mad- 
ness not to give the fidlest credit to the most deceitlid of men, that 
is, wlien they make declai-ations of hostility against us." 

IV. Further. Under the absolute sway of the Northern major- 
ity, the sovereignty of the individual States, the great arch-pillar 
of Southern liberty, is beconnng rapidly drawn into a huge con- 
solidated despotism at Washington, which is destined soon to be 
as irresistible as it is despotic, })lacing the South comj)letely at tlie 
mercy of the North, utterly destroying her equality and liberty, 
I)lncking the fruits of her honest labor, and, despite every barrier 
of the Constitution, subjecting her to n wretched state of slavery, 
from which she can never be redeemed unless by the ultimate 
right of i-evolution ; a remedy always diilicult to be exercised and 
often doubtful in its consequences. 

'i'liis is Init a feeble sketch of the chapter of our Avrongs. To a 
people, not slumbering over their interests and liberties, no com- 
ment on these giievances can be necessary. They speak in trumpet 
tones to the brave and the free of all sexes. They call to arms ! 
to arms ! 

So much for the past. What are our prospects for the future ? 
"tOarnett ; letterto the New Y(i^rk Day~I}ook7 " — 
JTii« amuuut ha^: been estimated at $550,000 annually. 



32 

Will not the Government continue to over-tax tlie South, and dis- 
tribute the revenues to favor the interests of the North? Will not 
the most extravagant appropriations still be made for the Ijenefit of 
the ruling inajority in the Union ? At the very last session of 
Congress -SSO.OOo/OOO were appropriated principally to the North 
and West, wliile the Government is indebted to an amount exceed- 
ing ^100,000,000. Will not this reckless extravagance cause the 
the South to be continually oppressed by taxation ? Will not the 
central power at Washington go on increasing, till, uttei'ly destroy- 
ing State rights and State sovereignty, it will reduce the Southerxi 
States to mere dependent provinces, and the Southern people to 
mere laborei's for the North ? Will not abolition fanatics still 
ngitate, and invoke all the perverted powers of the Government ta 
etfect their hellish purpose of abolishing slavery in the States? — ■■ 
So sure as there is a God in Heaven, these things will foUo"', unless 
checked by some strong exertion of Southei-n powe?-. We will 
know the Government in future onl}^ by its burdens and its cxac 
tions, and by its distribution of the spoils, whicli as ili-hoardcd 
wealth, it forces from Soutliern industry. We can look for nothing 
but one uninterrupted train of tyrannical and oppressive measures. 
Banks, Tariffs, Internal Improvements, prodigal ajHjropri aliens of 
the ])ubiic lands and moneys, wicked schemes of abolition, nm\ 
every shameful act of oppression which the genius of despotism 
can "devise, vv'ill sweep over these Southern Staes, like fell beaon>s 
of destruction, carrying M'ith them ruin and devastation. The 
South will be a mere Iribulary of the North: paying her stipend 
ns regularly as the slave performs service to his task-master; and 
guiTering impoverishment and rut;) amid the most systematic indus- 
try and the most fruitful labar on the face of the glol>e. 

"insulted, opju'Gssed, dovvn-trodden, with no hojve of relief save 
in our own efforts, under the will of a just God, what ought wo to 
do, what can we do, but resist with all our might, and with all the 
m<}ans the God of nature may jjlace in o,m.* hitnds, the blind and 
k>a.r:tles.s tyranny tuut oppresses us I 



8:j 

NO. IX. 

Should South Carolina strike for her Independence 1 (Conchtded.) 

In ancient Athens, when Macedonian atrgressions were the 
to})ic3 of oxeitonient among the States of Grcoce, two rival states- 
men, PiiOGioN and Dioiosthijnks, urged the State to a diilerent 
policy. PiiocioN, a virtuous patriot, of the utmost wisdom and 
moderation, and conspicuous in his valor, dreading failure from 
any attempt at resistance, exhorted to quiet inactivity. To the 
fierce Fhi^linics of Demosthmxes, in which the great orator em- 
ployed hi;3 stormy eloquence to rouse his countrymen to innnedi- 
ate'action against the Northern tyrant, Pliocion replied : 

" I will recommend to ydu, O Athenians, to go to war when 1 
(ind you capable of supporting a war; when I see the youth of the 
Republic animated with courage, yet submissive and obedient; tho 
rich cheevfully contributing to tho necessaries of the State; and 
the orators no longer cheating and pillaging the pul>lic." 

Athens wa^ degenerate, and there may have been prudence and 
safety in this advice ; yet who can fail to admire the bolder counsels 
cf Demo«theiie:3, who sought, with all the energies of his nature, to 
urge his countrymen to maintain the National honor; to enkindle 
anew in their bosoms, if possible, the expiring llame of liberty; ot* 
since it W;is destined toexpire, to cause it to go out in a blaze of 
patriotic exertion? 

But wo console ourselves with tho belief, that tho advice of 
Pfiocio?T is not demanded b}'' the exegcncies of our case. Aro 
we degenerate, like the Athenians of that day? Have we lost tho 
courage and patriotism capable of supporting war? are the son.-; 
of our State unwilling to contribute their money and stirvices to 
maintahi our liberties? No! no! impossible. Why, then, should 
we not strike, for our independence? \t is said, wq are too weak. 
I'his is the old alarum, which is always soimded on the approach 
of resi'.tanf^e to tyranny. It wa.s much en)ployed, if we mistake 
not, prior to the American Revolution. But our brave Fathers 
did not hiod it. What? is a nation, because It is small, to surren- 
der its rights and liberties v/ithout even a struggle ? This would 
be to forfeit all claim to the respect and admiration of mankitid. 
U it wern even a blind leap into the dark, without any light from 
history, we could never consent that our State ?hould evade the 
responsibilities of resistance upon so slei^ler an argument; but 
when we gatlicr from the past the heroic resolves and chivalrous 
conduct of numerous small powers, on behalf of liberty, our bosom 
h animnted with the fire of genuine hope, and we can urge our 
State to bold and manly action in something of the confidence 
'of successs. 

Let us look through the pages of history, and take courage from 
the expedience of nations. We pass over the well-known heroism 
■of the small Spartan band, at the straits of Tiiki^mopyl.t!, fighting 
for the liberties of all Greece. We merely allude to the noble 
struggle of Platea, a little Town in T'eotia, in defence of its liber- 
ties ; which with 400 citizens, 80 Athenians, -ind 110 women and 



Si 

cliiklren, sustained a siege diid blockade for two years, against 
the power of the combined* States of Peloponnesus; and when 
exhausted of all supplies, one half of the ganisoii cut their way 
through the thick ranks of the enemy, and made their escape. We 
will not stop either to admire the heroic conduct of the Athenians, 
who sooner than yield their libei'ties to the Persians, many limes 
their number, deserted their lands, houses and property, and with 
their slaves and lamilies took to their ships, resolved never to be 
subdued. 

Passino- over many sucli contests in antiquity, we come at onc'o 
to more modern times. 

1. The struggle of the Swiss for independence was begun by a 
mere handful of men, in the cantons of Sweitz, Vri and Ux- 
TERWALP, upon an indignity offered to William Tell. With 
400 or 500 men they met a regular force of 20,000, under the 
Arch-Duke Leopold of Austria^ at the pass of Mohgaiiten, and 
defeated them with slaughter [A. D. 1315.] Encoui-aged by this 
open act of resistance, other cantons joined ; but the band, still 
small, nobly persevered in their efforts, till after 60 pitched battles 
Avith the Austiians, (at that time even, a powerful people) they 
achieved their independence. It is worthy of remark, that in this 
memoi-able struggle, the cantons at first refused to make common 
cause, though the oppressions they suflered were alike burdenous, 
Bern, the })rincipal canton, did not enter the Confederacy for 37 
years, and ihe remaining cantons not till near two centuries ; yet 
the heroic few, who began the revolt, aided by irregular forces from 
the neighboring cantons, achieved their independence, which they 
have preserved to this day. The Swiss now "live under a Republic, 
occupying a territory of only 17,208 sqr. miles, proverbially one of 
the freest people on the globe, in the very midst of large despotic 
powers. 

2. We read in English history, that Edward I of England in-- 
vaded Scotland [A.^D. 1327] with an army of 100,000 men.*- 
The Scotch, determined to yield their libeities only with their 
lives, rallied under Robert Bruce, their King, and in an army of 
only 30,000 defeated the English at the famous battle of BraN" 
is-ocKBURN, and drove back the invader from their borders.- 

3. About the year A. D. 1500, the Pope, the Emperior Maxi^ 
3IILIAN of Germany, Ferdinand of Spain, Loris XII of France,, 
the DrKE of Savoy, and the King of Hungary^ all coniederated 
to overrun and destroy the little State of Venice. With an- 
lieroic resolve, worthy of the highest admiration, this small State 
boldly took the field against these formidable powers, determined 
to exhaust her blood and treasure in maintaining her independence. 
Superior forces might at length have overpowered her; but that 
Providence, who overrules the afiairs of nations, interposed on 
behalf of the weak and the just. Discord and dissension broke 
out among the confederates. The unholy leaugue was dissolved, 
and Venic;e preserved. 

4. Perhaps the noblest struggle for liberty on record was that 
made by the city of Leyden in 1573, against the formidable {)owor 
of the Spaniards. This small city underwent a vigorous siege. 



(luring- which the women pGrfoimcd all the duties of soldiers. — 
After ;x long and glorious contest, the seigo was raised, and tho 
city saved hy throw ing down the dykes and inundating the country 
Avith the sea. 

It is wortJiy of remark here, also, that in this famous contest, of 
the 17 Province?; of Holland, only seven, embracing a very small 
territory, combined to defend their liberties. But the heroic Princo 
of Orange, at the head of these small Provinces, remark;ible for their 
simplicity of manners, their public frugality and their invincibl 
courage, with a re-inforcement of only 4000 English, maintainedo 
the Independency of these Provinces, against the then most power-- 
fui monarch in Europe. 

5. The liberty struggle of the Poles, so famous in history, and 
in many respects, so woi-thy of admiration, was unsuccessful from 
several causes. Poland was surrounded by three of the largest 
and most despotic powers on the globe — Russia, AusTra.x. and. 
Pet'ssia — all secretly planning and working her overthrow. She- 
could derive littlo aid from any external source. She was com- 
pletely cut off from all liberal and sympathizing nations. Not- 
Avithstanding this, however, it is the opinion of many European 
Statesmen, that but for internal dissensi-ons, Poland might still have 
maintained her independence against all the machinations of the 
triple alliance. In that country, the masses were under the most 
absolute slavery to their nobles; and the nobles as feudal Lords, 
independent of the crown, were at constant warfare with each 
other. The State had no uniting principle. Discord and dissen- 
sion reigned throughout their entire struggle for hidependence. 

Similar causes operated to defeat the recent Huxgakian con- 
test. Jealousy among the principal races, the Maygars, the 
Croatians, and the Sclavonians, inflamed by the golden pi'omises 
of Russia and Austria, produced the wonderful defection in the 
triumphant armies of Hungary, and suddenly defeated the prou({ 
hopes of KossuTii and the genuine patriots, for their country's inde- 
pendence. 

OC^ While these struggles illustrate the heroic efforts of gallant 
people for their liberty, they at the same time, show the danger of 
internal dissensions, which are always fatal to the prospects of 
great national enterprizes. 

6. In resolving to resist the huge power of th.e British Govern- 
ment, our own ancestors evinced a spirit of determination and 
Valor, that must excite the adnn'ration of all future ages. Rather 
than live under a government not their choice, though incompandjly 
inferior in numbers, wealth and power, to their enemy, they chose 
to risk their all— their lives, their ibrfunes and their sacred honor. 
Amid defeat, disaster and privation, often without clothing or 
ammunition, with the swamp for their resting place, and parched 
corn and potatoes for their food, they persevered in their manly 
efforts, till they gai'ned for tjs our glorious inheritance of liberty. 
Can we ever consent to give Up that inheritance with a struggle 
less resolute and noble than that by which it was achieved ? 

7. The little State of modern Guhkck, embracing only 21,000 
sqr. miles, with about 800,000 inhabltairts, afier a long "struggle. 



36 

^iftliiGved Kgi' independence against one of the largest despotisrlis 
— having an area ol* G00,000 sqr. miles, and a population of *20,- 
^)00,C00. Under so many toils and disadvantages did tliis brave 
people fight against their oppressors, the Turks, their struggle for 
liberty is become one of the most famous in history. Who has 
not read the patriotic appeals t>f Vv''eBvSTer and CLAr, on behalf 
of this galland pt'opio? Who does not know that joy and deliglit 
thrilled the public mind of this country on hearing of their glori- 
ous success? In 1827 Greece established, her independence, and 
has since quietly maintained it; 

8. Texa:-, as we all know, without resources, and with a mere 
handful of iiion, aided by irregular volunteers from the United 
States, with a daring boldness worthy of all praise, continued 
through a six year struggle, achieved her independence againsfc 
Mexico with a popoulation of 7,000,000, trained to war for the 
last fifty years. 

9. Not the least memorable instance, ill modern timeS) of a small 
state straggling against a povrerfal nation, is that of Caucasus 
against Russia. This truly brave people, occupying an extent of 
Teriitory, between the Black and Caspian seas, not larger than 
South Carolina, has for years held in checkj and bafrled all tho 
efforts of the Russian Autocrat, with an Empire of 00,000,000 of 
inhabitants and a standing army of 760,000 men, though the war 
has been cai-ried on with the most relentless vigor. "vYhat but the 
boldest spirit, guided by an overruling intelligence, could sus- 
tain this handful of men against forces so numerous and powerful ; 
In this calcalating age, is it not a miracle of bravery? Is it not 
worthy of emulation ? 

These few incidents, casually suggesting themselves, teach us 
some important lessons suited to the present emergency of our 
political afiairs. This is an historical truth. The success of a 
gallant struggle on the side of right and jiislice, against icrojig 
and oppress loji is almost inevitable. How can we, then falter ? 
W^ith the wrongs ' and insults that have been inflicted on us, with 
our gloomy prospects in this Union, and with the noble efforts of 
these small but gallant States in the cause of liberty before us, 
can we fold our arms in submissive apathy, till we are completely 
clenched by the iron shackles of Northern despotism? When so 
many small States have noblj- risen up to relieve themselves from 
the yoke of ihQ tyrant, shall we be deterred fi-om grappling with 
the Northern despot for our liberties? But it is said our cause is a 
common one, and we should wait for the other States. The 
sooner we move in prudence and fn-mness, the sooner they will 
Join us. But we must move, ortiiey will desert us. When Tell 
was outraged by the Austrian government, did his countrymen 
wait till all the cantons had made common cause for their conunon 
liberties? Jiolthey at once ilew to arms, and with only 400 or 
500 began the eventful struggle which was to constitute Switzer- 
land a famous Republic. Had Holland awaited the union of hei- 
seventeen Provinces, sho might never have thrown ofl' tlie Spanish 
yoke. \'Vitn a small force she began the contest, when others 
joined, and she achieved her independence. Our own colonies did 



37 

not wait for general concert before beginning the Revolution. A 
few daring spirits threw the tea over-board. The British Govern- 
nnent resorted to violence, and the torch of freedom was lighted up 
all over the countrj'. South Carolina set up for herself an inde- 
pendent government months before any of the other States. Let 
the blow for our liberties bo once given, and the flame of resistance 
will soon rago over all these Southern States. But there must be 
a practical issue — some startling event that will break up old party 
shackles.before these States will come to the conflict. Why should ice 
who are in a favorable situation, hesitate to make this issue? What 
do we dread ? A federal army ? An attempt to invade our 
soil with an army would blow the Union to pieces in less than six 
months. Nobody doubts this. Do we fear a blockade of out 
ports ? Would not this be war to all intents ? And once in war 
with the government, what could we do but adopt all the means 
which the God of nature may place in our hands? As all other 
nations have done, we could borrow money, raise troops, build 
ships for which we have ample materials, grant letters of Mizr^fue 
and reprisal and enlist privateers to disturb the commerce and annoy 
the fleets of the enemy. Who believes that the Government could 
for any length of time sustain a blockade ? Public opinion would 
remove it ; and if not that, bloodshed and destruction. Ocean 
Steamers are known to be effective agents in eluding and getting 
rid of blockading Fleets, and men of military science are acquaint- 
ed with certain instruments of war, called Fire-ships* that would 
soon make way with the largest Revenue cutters and Men-of-war. 

These means and others which the genius of war never fails to 
devise to meet the exegencies of the ocasion would come to our 
aid. " Besides, there is a just God, who presides over the destinies 
of nations ; and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for 
us." That God is always on the side of right and justice, and 
whatever He befriends will ultimately prosper and prevail. Do 
we doubt the justice of our cause ? If not, let us use properly the 
means at our command, and we cannot doubt our success. We 
must succeed, 

But shall we pause to consider the chances of failure? 
What ! pause to deliberate whether or not we will protect our 
property, sustain our ancient renown, and our dear-bought liberties? 
Pause, to determine whether or not we shall be slaves ? Whether 
or not we shall maintain the glorious heritage,togain which caused 
our ancestors to toil for years amid dangers, difficulties, and priva- 
tions? Oh ! let it not be recorded in history, that within 80 years 
after our glorious struggle for independence, the descendants of 
our revolutionary sires have sunk into degeneracy: have lost the 
spirit necessary to maintain the renown and liberty of their fathers. 
Can we bear to stigmatize the yet unspotted fame of our State? Will 
we entail unheard of evils upon innocentgenerations to beborn, by 
forcing them to become the slaves of Northern fanatics ? Let this 
nev^r_be_mii^dis grace, No ! let us re solve upon action— dignified 

*It is known that this was a favorite mode oflvarfare with theraodern Greeks 

*i 



38 

diso'ieet, bold action : characterized by a spirit of harmony and 
conciliation ; generous towards one another and towards our 
neighbors; but sternly bent on achieving' our independence 
and liberties. 



OPINIOJ^S OF D18TINGD1SHED SOUTHERN EllS. 

" That to secure the inalienable rights of men, governmeiltf? are insti- 
tuted, deriving their just powers from the consent of the Governed ; 
tiiat, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these 
ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a, 
new government, laying its foimdation on such principles and organi- 
zing its power in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect 
safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments 
long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes ; 
and', accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more dis- 
posed to suifer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by 
abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. Bui^ when a long 
train of abuses and ■usurpations^ pursuing invariably the same object, 
evinces a design to reduce themunder absolute despotism^ it is their right 
it is their dl'ty to throw off such governnmnt^ and to provide new guards 
for their security," 

J^EFFEESON, Declaration of Independence,- 



Resolved, Tliat this Assei^bly (of Virginia) doth explictly and per- 
♦•mptorily declare, that it views the powers of the Federal Govern- 
ment, as resulting ft'om the compact, to which the States are parties, as 
limited by the plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting 
that gompact — as no further valid than they are authorized by the grants 
enumerated in that compact ; and that in case of a deliberate, palpable 
and dangerous exercise of other powers not granted by the said com- 
pact, the States which are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duly 
bound to interpose, for arresting the progress of the evil, andfm' main- 
taining within their respective limiis^ the authorities, rights and liberties 
appertaining to them. 

Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and '99, written by Mr. Madison 



" The several' States composing the United States of America, are 
not united on the principle of unlimited submission to the General Gov- 
ernment, but by a compact, under the style and title of the Constitution 
of the United States, they constituted a General Government for spe- 
cial purposes, delegated to that government certain definite powers, re- 
serving each State to itself the residuary mass of right to their own 
self-government; and whensoever the General Government assumes un- 
delegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void and of no force." * 
* * * * « When the compact is violated, each State has the un- 
questionable right, to judge of the infractions, as well as the Mode and 
MEAsuKE or REbnESS." 

Jefferson : Kenlui-ky Resolution of '93. 



39 

" If a series of usurpations all tending to convert a confederated into 
.^ consolidated government, and to destroy tiie sovereignty and indepen- 
dence of the separate States, should threaten success it will become the 
interest and duty of any State, after ineftectual remonstrance to the 
vGcneral Goverenraent to secede from a govovnment thus perverted. 

Dr. Cooper. 



Calhoun on Resistance, 

"Come what will, should it cost every drop of bload and every cent 
■of property, we must defend ourselves, and if compelled, we would 
stand justified by a!I laws human and divine." 

"If we do not defend ourselves, none will defend us ; we will be 
raore and more pressed as we recede ; and if we submit we will be 
trampled under foot." 

" I say for one, I would rather meet any extremity on earth than 
give up one inch of our equality — one inch of what belongs to us, as 
(members of this great Republic !" 

" Whenever a free people permit their fears to control them in refu- 
sing to vindicate their rights, they are ready to be slaves, and only wait 
■for a despot who has more courage than thev have, to make them 
such." 

"There is one point on which there can be no diversity of opinion 
In the South among those who are true to her, or who have made up 
their minds not to ^be slaves : that is if we should be forced to choose 
between resistance and submission, we should take resistance at all 
hazards." 

Calhoun's .Speeches and J.-ettera. 



i 



Calhoun on a BlocJcade. 

Mr. Calhoun, speaking of the blockade of our ports, used the follow- 
ing language ; 

" Feeling the force of these difficulties, it is proposed, with tlve view, 
I suppose, of disembarrassing the operation as much as possible, of 
the troublesome interference of courts and juries to change the scene 
of coercion from land to water ; a^ if the government could have one 
particle more right to coerce a State by water than by land ; but, un- 
less I am greatly deceived, the difficulty on that element will not be 
much less than on the other. The jury trial, at least the local jury 
trial (the trial by the vicinage,) may, indeed, be evaded there, but in 
its place other, and not much less formidable, obstacles must be en. 
countered. 

" There can be but two modes of coercion resorted to by water — 
blockade and abolition of the ports of entry of the State, accompanied by 
penal enactments, authorizing seizure for entering the waters of the 
State — if the former be attempted,there will be other parties besides the 
Genejal Govenment and the State. Blockade is a belligerent right: 
it presupposes a state of war, and, unless there be war (war in due 
form, as prescribed by the Constitution,) the order for blockade would 
not be respected by other nations or their subjects. Their vessels 
M'ouUl proceed difrectly for the blockaded port, with certain prospects of 



gftin ; if seized under the order of blockade, thro* the claim of indemnity 
against the General Government ; and, if not, by a profitable market, 
without the exaction of duties. 

"The other mode, the abolition of the ports of entry of the State, 
would also have its difficulties. The Constitution provides that " no 
preference shall be gfiven by any regulation of commerce or revenue 
to the ports of one State over those of another ; nor shill vessels bound 
to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in 
another:" provisions too clear to be eluded even by the force ofpoHr 
Btruction. There will be another difficulty, if seizure be made in port, or 
within the distance assigned by the laws of nations as the limits of a 
State, the trial must be in the State, with all the embarrassments of 
its courts and juries, — while beyond the ports and the distance to 
which I have referred, it would be difficult to point out any principle by 
which a foreign vessel, at least, could be seized, except as an incident 
to the right of blockade, and, of course, with all the ditiioulties belong- 
ing to that mode of coercion." 



Extracts from Mr. 3r Duffies Speeches, 4'^- 



"It is impossible to contemplate the conduct of our anccstora, when 
placed in similar circumstances, without blushing for our degeneration. 
They commenced the Revolution that secured our liberty, when their 
oppressions were not one hundreth p:irt as grievous as ours. A misera- 
ble tax of three pence a pound on tea was the extent of their grievance. 
Being dependent colonists, they had no organized sovereignty to protect 
them from the perils of rebellion and treason. With halters round 
iheir necks, and the stigma of treason on their foreheads, nobly disdain- 
ing to count the costs of a contest w'hich, though they should perish, 
was to secure liberty to their posterity, they fearlessly encountered the 
gigantic power of a mighty nation. And with this glorious example 
before us, shall we basely surrender the inheritance of our children, 
from a disgraceful panic excited by imaginary dangers ? Shall we be 
terrified by mere phantoms of blood, when our ancestors, for less cause, 
encountered the dreadful reality? Great God! are we ihe descendent«i 
of those ancestors; are we men — " grown men" — to be frightened from 
the discharge of our most sacred duty, and the vindication of our most 
rnicred rights, by the mere nursery story of raw-head and bloody-bones, 
Vi'hich even the vvomen of our country laugh to scorn." 

"We have but one difficulty to prevent us from achieving a glorious 
victory over our oppressors ; it is our unfortunate divisions. I have a 
raoBt conRoling confidence that the intelligence and patriotism of the 
people will overcome this. With united counsels the State cannot fail 
to be triumphant; but with divided and distracted counsels it will be in 
vain to hope that we shall ever be relieved from our oppressions. Those, 
therefore, who persevere in a course which shall paralize the efl'orts of 
the State to relieve our citizens from unconstitutional oppression, will 
assume a tremendous responsibility. Whatever may be their motives, 
they will make themselves the accomplices of our oppressors. We 
have but one course to pursue. Let us stand firm and immoveable 
upon our prinicples, holding out the banner of constitutional liberty to 
all who choose to rally under it. If the State so will it, we are free, 
Bnt if the public voice should decree otherwise, and unconditional sub- 
mission be our doom, we ahall at least have the consolation 



41 

of reflecting that we have bnd no arrcrcy in forg-incr chains for our 
children. — [Extract from a speech of Jlon Ceo. McDl'ffie, May 31. — 
Charleston.] 



( 




"If South Carolina should be driven out of therU.nion, allthe other 
-planting States, and some of the Western States would follow by an 
almost absolute necessity. — Can it be believed that Geor<,ria, Mississippi, 
Tennessee, and even Kentucky, would continue to pay a heavy tribute 
upon their consumption, to the Northern States, for the privilege of 
being united to them, when they would receive all their suppliea through 
the ports of South Carolina, or their cwn ports, without paying a single 
cent of tribute 1 

The separation of South Carolina would inevitably produce a general 
dissolutioa of the Union ; and as a necessary consequence, 
the protecting system, with all its pecuniary bounties to tha 
J^orthern States, overthrown and demolished, involving the ruin 
of thousands and hundreds .of thousands in the manufacturing States. 

By these powerful considerations connected with their own pecuniary 
interests, we beseech them to pause and contemplate the disastrous 
sequences which will certainly result from an obstinate perseverance 
their part, in maintaining the protecting system. With them 
question merely of pecuniary interest connected w-ith no shadow of 
right, and involving no shadov/ of liberty. With us it is a question in- 
volving our most sacred rights, those very rights w^hich our eomiaion 
ancestors left us as a common inheritance, purchased by their comnaon 
toils, and consecrated by their blood. It is a question of liberty on tlie 
.one hand, and slavery on the other. If we submit to this system of 
unconstitutional oppression, we shall voluntarily sink into slavery, and 
transmit that ignominous inheritance to our children. We will not, we 
cannot, we dare not submit to this degradation ; and our resolve is lix(^d 
and unalterable, that a protecting tariff" shall be no longer enforced 
within the limits of South Carolina. We stand upon the principles of 
everlasting justice, and no human power shall drive us from our posi- 
tion. 

We have not the slightest apprehension that the General Govern- 
ment will attempt to force this system upon us by military power. W^e 
have warned our brethren of the consequences of such an attempt. — 
Bat if, notwithstanding, such a course of madness should be pursued, 
we here solemnly declare, that this system of oppression shall never 
prevail in South Carolina, until none but dastards arc left to submit to 
it. Wo would infinitely prefer that the territory of the State should be 
the cemetry of freemen than the habitation of our slaves. Actuated by 
these principles and animated by these sentiments, we will cling to the 
pillars of the temple of our liberties, and if it must fall, we will perish 
amidst the ruin ! — [Address to other States by Conventon of 1832.] 



The following extract from the speech of the lion. A. P. Butler 
38 d^divered in the South Carolina Legislature, upon the Bill calling 
a Convention of the people of the State in 1830, should afford much 
encouragement at the present time. ^^ If our principles arc right, South 
Carolina, small as she is, can maintain them as well as twenty 
STATES Joined." 

".Sir, Th.e cause of liberty never runs smooth. It is acquired by 
peril, and preserved by vigilance and tirmness. Supine indifference 



\ 



42 

and confident security, are inconsistent with its permanent exist- 
ence. Those who have been in the van of the great contests to obtain 
and preserve it, have had to contend with difficulty, and to encounter 
toil and hazard. It is the natural disposition of large masses, to love 
quietude and seiC'urity, while evils are tolerable, rather than make any 
exertion to right themselves. Even Moses, the inspired mate of 
God^ found it difficult to prevail upon his brethren to leave the land 
of their captivity, for the land of promise and liberty. Contented 
with their servile condition, they dreaded to embark in the wilderness 
of uncertainty. But who is it that would not rather have gone with 
Moses, and submitted to all the privations of the wilderness, than 
have remained and been fed out of the flesh pots of Egypt, by the hands 
of a master. A virtuous and gallant people, in a good cause, never 
have foiled. If we are right and do not falter in our measures, we 
must succeed. If our principles are right. South Carolina, small as she 
is, C;an maintain them as well as twenty States joined. The Constitu- 
tion will be her shield ; weak as we appear, and strong as the Federal 
Government may seem, in the hour of trial we may have the strength 
of David, they the weakness of Goliah. If the Federal Goverment 
is wrong, and we right, justice will prevail." 



y 



/ 



